Operation Bluestar

Written by Hamid Hussain on this 30th anniversary of the operation:

Operation Blue Star
Hamid Hussain
June 05 is the thirty year anniversary of the Indian army operation to clear militants from the Sikh religion’s holiest temple in Amritsar.  This was the culmination of chain of events simmering for several years.  In late 1970s, conflict between center and Punjab, internal power struggle among Sikh political elite, poor economic conditions of rural Punjab and assertion of Nirankaris (a sect of Sikhism considered heretic by orthodox Sikhs) resulted in rapid escalation of violence in Punjab.  In early 1980s, Sikh agitation took an ugly turn and a group of militant Sikhs under the leadership of a charismatic leader Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale upped the ante.  In December 1983, fearing arrest, Bhindranwala with few hundred armed supporters moved into the Golden Temple complex.  Armed militants occupied many buildings of the Golden temple complex.   Many wanted militants found refuge in the temple and in April 1983, in an audacious move militant shot dead Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of police Jullundhar range Avtar Singh Atwal inside the temple.  Several police officers including Inspector Bicchu Ram and Deputy Superintendent Police (DSP) Gurbachan Singh were also assassinated by militants.  In June 1984, Indian government decided to send troops to the Golden Temple complex to clear it out of militants.  After a bloody fight, temple was cleared resulting in heavy casualties. 

Count Down to Conflict
Prime Minister Indira Ghandi, two Sikhs in Delhi; President Giani Zail Singh and Union Home Minister Buta Singh, Punjab Chief Minister Darbara Singh, Akali Dal leaders Harchand Singh Longwal and Parkash Singh Badal, Gurcharan Singh Tohra; head ofShiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC); an organization responsible for the administration of Sikh houses of worship and militant leader Jarnail Singh Bhindrawale were key players in this conflict.  Former Chief Minister of Punjab Zail Singh and Sanjay Gandhi supported Bhindrawale to weaken Akali Dal.  When Bhindrawale was arrested on charges of inciting murder, Zail Singh now Union Home Minister arranged for his release without due judicial process.  Bhindrawale was now seen as a hero who had won a showdown with the center and his views hardened as his popularity increased.  Zail Singh also thwarted Chief Minister Darbara Singh’s efforts to curtail militant activities.  Bhindrawale’s opponent Sikh leaders were now fearful for their lives.  Longwal fearful for his life especially when Bhindrawale moved to the Golden Temple complex hostel which also housed offices of Akali Dal and SGPC, used another splinter militant group Babbar Khalsa to push Bhindrawale’s followers from the hostel into Akal Takht. When law and order situation deteriorated in Punjab, Punjab Chief Minister was sacked and President Rule was imposed in Punjab. 
Militant Leadership
‘The best place to die is the highest place of your religion and a place connected with your ancestors and this place where we are standing has got both the qualities, so this is the best place to die.’  Major General ® Shahbeg Singh at Golden Complex
Three to six hundred supporters of Jarnail Singh were the core group of militants and most radical.  Small number of Sikhs belonging to Babbar Khalsa, All India Sikh Student Federation (AISSF) led by Amrik Singh and Dashmesh Regiment were also armed.  There were about one dozen close confidants of Jarnail Singh and they were assigned different tasks.  Rachpal Singh was Bhindrawale’s secretary and Dalbir Singh political advisor.  An inner security ring of about half dozen hard line militants guarded Bhindrawale and Gurmukh Singh was in charge of weapons.  Four deserters from Punjab police Kabul Singh, Gurnam Singh, Sewa Singh and Amarjit Singh joined Bhindrawale at Golden Temple complex.  Near the end of 1982, more than 5000 ex-servicemen gathered in Golden Temple for a convention.  More than one hundred and seventy above the rank of Colonel including retired Major Generals Shahbeg Singh and Jaswant Singh Bhullar were among the ex-servicemen.  Majority of ex-servicemen were advocates of use of non-violent means to achieve objectives but few like Shahbeg and Bhullar came under the influence of Bhindrawale.  Bhullar left India just before the operation but Shahbeg was in Golden Temple at the time of operation.  He was responsible for the fortifications and placement of machine guns and snipers at strategic positions at Golden Temple. 
Civilian Administration
In early 1980s, central government responded to deteriorating situation in Punjab by changing top positions of provincial administrative machinery.  From 1981 to 1984 there were six governors; Jaisukh Lal Hathi (September 1977 – August 1981), Aminuddin Ahmad Khan (August 1981 – April 1982), Marri Chenna Reddy (April 1981 – February 1983), Anant Prasad Sharma (February 1983 – October 1983), Bhairab Dutt Pande (October 1983 – June 1984) and K. T. Satarwala (June 1984 – March 1985).  In the same time period the top police post of Director General of Punjab Police was shuffled four times; Birbal Nath, C. K. Sahni, Pritam Singh Bhinder and K. S. Dhillon.  In four year time period, Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) of Amritsar post was shuffled six times; A. S. Atwal (September 1981 – April 1982), Surjit Singh Baines (April 1982 – July 1983), Sarabjit Singh (July 1983 – October 1983), Ajay Pal Singh Mann (October 1983 – March 1984), Sube Singh (March 1984 – June 1984) and Bua Singh (June 1984 – August 1985). 
Former Cabinet Secretary and West Bengal Governor Bhairab Dutt Pande was transferred to Punjab and he became head of the government as province was under President’s rule.  New Delhi appointed four advisors to governor including Shivandar Singh Sidhu, Harbans Singh, P. G. Gavi and Gajjala Jagathpathi.  However, all four advisors either quit or recalled as they advocated a political settlement rather than use of force.  Later, Chief of Staff (COS) of Western command, Lieutenant General Ranjit Singh Dayal was appointed Security Advisor and Surendranath of Indian Police Service (IPS) advisor of law and order to governor. 
Provincial bureaucracy of Punjab was headed by Chief Secretary K. D. Vasudeva, Amrik Singh Pooni was Home Secretary, Deputy Commissioner (DC) of Amritsar was Gurdev Singh and city magistrate was S. S. Dhillon.  Army was suspicious that Gurdev had sympathies with militants therefore he was replaced on June 03, 1984 with Ramesh Indar Singh.  Ramesh was a Bengal cadre officer then serving as director of rural development in Punjab and this was his first district appointment (later he was transferred to Punjab cadre and served as Principle Secretary to Chief Minister and Chief Secretary).  Director General Police (DGP) of Punjab was Pritam Singh Bhinder and Inspector General (IG) of Criminal Investigation Department (CID) was Harjit Singh Randhawa.  Police officers of Amritsar district included Superintendent Police (SP) Sital Das, Deputy Superintendent Police (DSP) city Opar Singh Bajwa, SP CID Harjeet Singh, DSP CID Sudarshan Singh and M. P. S. Aulakh was Assistant Director Intelligence Bureau (IB).  Director General (DG) Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) was Ram Swarup Sharma, Inspector General (IG) Border Security Force (BSF) was B. K. Tirpathi, Director General (DG) BSF was Birbal Nath and DIG BSF in Amritsar was G. S. Pandher (he was sent on leave on June 05 due to his objections to the operation and replaced by Chaturvedi).   By early 1984, civilian administration was completely ineffective due to political inertia, interference and collapse of police morale. 
In Delhi, a group of serving and retired senior intelligence officers of Research & Analysis Wing (RAW) was advising Prime Minister Indira Ghandi.  This group included chief security advisor Rameshwar Nath Kao (first Chief of RAW), N. F. Santook (former head of RAW) and Girish Chandar Saxena (head of RAW). Political leadership provided legal cover to security forces by passing several acts.  These included National Security Act 1980, Punjab Chandigarh Disturbed Area Act 1983, Armed Forces (Punjab and Chandigarh) Special Power Ordinance in October 1983, Terrorist Activities and Disturbed Areas (TADA) Act 1984 and Terrorist Affected Areas (Special Courts) Act 1984.  No Sikh political leadership could acquiesce with centre’s plan therefore Punjab was put under direct center rule in October 1983. 
Army Action
‘We went inside with humility in our hearts and prayers on our lips’.  Lieutenant General K. Sunderji
Chief of Army Staff (COAS) was General A. S. Vaidya and he assigned the operation to GOC-in-Chief Western Command Lieutenant General K. Sundarji.  Western Command with its headquarters at Chandimandar planned and conducted the operation.  Chief of Staff (COS) of Western Command Lieutenant General Ranjit Singh Dayal was the architect of the operation.  Western Command consists of three Corps; II with headquarter at Ambala in Haryana, IX at Yol; Himachal Pardesh and XI with headquarter at Jallandhar.  XI Corps commanded by Lieutenant General Gauri Shankar and consisting of 7 Division based in Ferozpur, 9 Division based in Meerut and 15 Division based in Amritsar was assigned the task of internal security of Punjab. 
There were three components of the military operation.  The main operation was to clear the Golden Temple complex and it was supported by two other operations.  One operation was focused on clearing other Gurdwaras in the state where militants had taken refuge. Operation Rose Wood was aimed at sealing of Indian border with Pakistan to prevent escape of militants across the border and prevent any assistance to militants from Pakistan side.  However, neither political leadership prepared the army nor army leadership prepared its own troops to reorient for internal security duty.  In April 1984, XI Corps went ahead with its normal Corps exercise and troops were in training area when exercise was shortened and on May 27, troops were ordered back to their permanent locations.  9 Division commanded by Major General Kuldip Singh Brar was given the task of clearing the Golden Temple and he was informed about the operation only few days before the planned date.  Brar’s Deputy GOC was Brigadier N. K. ‘Nikki’ Talwar and Colonel Administration was Colonel E. W. Fernandez.  Jallandhar based 350 Infantry Brigade consisting of 9 Kumaon, 10 Guards, 12 Bihar and 26 Madras and commanded by Brigadier D.V. Rao was assigned the task of clearing temple complex.  Brigade was supported by paratroopers from 1 Parachute Regiment and Special Frontier Force (SFF).  15 Division commanded by Major General Jagdesh Singh Jamwal was in support role in Amritsar and along with other troops sealed the border with Pakistan in Operation Wood Rose.  Deputy GOC of 15 Division was Brigadier ‘Chikky’ Diwan, GSO Intelligence was Lieutenant Colonel Adarsh K. Sharma and Colonel Administration was Colonel Onkar Singh Goraya. 
Troops involved in the operation belonged to 1 Parachute Regiment commanded by Lt. Colonel K.C. Padha, 10 Guards commanded by Lt. Colonel Israr Rahim Khan, 12 Bihar commanded by Lt. Colonel K.S. Randhawa, 26 Madras commanded by Lt. Colonel Panniker, 9 Kumaon commanded by Lt. Colonel K. Bhaumik, 15 Kumaon commanded by Lt. Colonel N.C. Pant, 9 Garhwal Rifles and 10 Dogra,.  All infantry battalions belonged to 9 Division with the exception of 9 Garhwal Rifles from 15 Division.  Artillery was commanded by Colonel E. W. Fernandez, Armored Personal Carriers (APCs) and BMPs of 8 Mechanized Battalion and tanks of 16 Cavalry were used in the operation.  Paramilitary troops of Border Security Force (BSF), Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and Special Frontier Force (SFF) also participated in the operation.  SFF was commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Chowdhury and controlled by Cabinet Secretariat.  15 Kumaon and two companies of 9 Garhwal Rifles under the command of Deputy GOC of 15 Division Brigadier A.K. ‘Chikky’ Dewan were reserve. 
General K. Sundarji established his tactical headquarters at Chandimandar.  9 Division tactical headquarters was on the rooftop of a building near Golden Temple.  Later, Sunderji moved to the division tactical headquarters.  350 Brigade headquarters was established at Kotwali and later moved to Brahm Buta Akhara when it was cleared of militants.  Military operation consisted of three phases.  Phase I was to clear militants from buildings surrounding the complex and this phase started on June 03.  Phase II code named SHOPS was to eliminate or capture militants from the complex.  This phase also included plans to quickly extinguish fires and repair any structural damage to the holy site.  This is supported by the fact that three fire assault teams from 60 Engineer battalion were assigned for this task.  Phase III code named FLATS was mopping up remaining pockets of resistance all over the state.  A separate operation code named METAL was to secure the holiest place of Harmandar Sahib.  A group of commandos was to swim through the sarowar (sacred pool that surrounds the holiest place) and secure Harmandar Sahib. 
http://www.goldentempleamritsar.org/images/guide-map-of-golden-temple-amritsar.jpg
Map is from Golden Temple Complex website; http://www.goldentempleamritsar.org/images/guide-map-of-golden-temple-amritsar.jpg
12 Bihar commanded by Lt. Colonel K.S. Randhawa and troops of BSF and CRPF were used to seal all entry and exit points to the complex and provide cover to all assaulting troops.  All formations assembled at their launch positions around 7:30 pm and operation was launched around 10:30 pm (about half an hour late than original time of 10:00 pm).  The operation at Golden Temple complex was divided into three phases.  Phase I was main assault to neutralize militants, Phase II mopping up and Phase III securing of hostels and complete control of the complex and handing over all prisoners to other units.  Different units were launched from different entrances to kill or capture militants.  26 Madras from southern (Langar side) entrance to secure southern and eastern wings, I Para from eastern Ghanta Ghar entrance to secure Akal Takht (later this objective was taken away from 1 Para and it was tasked to only secure Darshni Deodi and Harmandar Sahib), 10 Guards from eastern Ghanta Ghar entrance to secure Akal Takht and northern wing and SFF from main north-western entrance to secure Akal Takht and western wing. 
Akal Takht was heavily fortified and manned by hard core militants associated with Bhindrawale.  Major General ® Shahbeg Singh had placed observers and snipers on high towers and placed gun positions at multiple levels in such a way that it created a wide kill zone.  The assault by 10 Guards and 1 Para came to a standstill with heavy casualties.  One of the first casualties was a Sikh officer of 10 Guards Captain Jasbir Singh Raina who lost his both legs.  The plan of Operation METAL by commandos was abandoned as they could not move forward to swim through sarowar to secure Harmandar Sahib.  Akal Takht was taken out of 1 Para responsibility and they were now assigned the task of securing Darshni Deodi right in front of Akal Takht.  Advance of 26 Madras was stalled due to heavy fire from machine guns placed on lungar hall and Gurdwara Manji Sahib.  Militants belonging toBabbar Khalsa and some from AISSF were manning these positions.  When troops found themselves in a kill zone due to well placed militant gun positions and their advance stopped, then tanks and APCs were requisitioned.  Initially main purpose was not to use the firepower but to use headlights of tanks to blind the militants and use APCs and BMPs to provide cover for troops.  Total eightVijayanta tanks of 16 Cavalry then part of 15 Division were used.  Four tanks supported commandos while four supported 26 Madras.  Eleven APCs/BMPs of 8 Mechanized Regiment were used.  Four BMPs supported 10 Guards and commandos and three APCs and four BMPs supported 26 Madras.  The lamps of tanks didn’t last long and one APC was hit by a Rocket Propelled Grenade (RPG) and disabled. 
Militants were posted on few high buildings overlooking the entire area especially water tower and two high towers; Ramgarhia Bungas.  Sniper fire from these positions caused significant casualties of security forces.  Neutralization of these commanding positions required use of heavy weapons. In view of stiff resistance from militants and slow progress, around 11:30 pm, an ad hoc force consisting of the reserve of two companies each of 15 Kumaon and 9 Garhwal Rifles along with elements of 26 Madras was launched from western Atta Mandi Gate.  In the meantime, about thirty commandos under the command of Major P. C. Katoch tried to secure Darshni Deodi in front of Akal Takht but suffered many casualties.  A second assault by another team of thirty commandoes led by commanding officer of 1 Para was launched which also suffered heavy casualties.  Of the sixty five commandos seventeen were killed and thirty one injured but they were able to secure Darshni Deodi .  SFF team of about fifty also suffered heavily losing seventeen.  A company commander of 15 Kumaon Major B. K. Misra was killed while B Company retreated after suffering seven killed and twenty three wounded.  By that time, Brar had received authorization from Delhi to use tank fire to neutralized militants entrenched in Akal Takht.  Brigadier Chikky Diwan asked for one more chance to clear militants before the use of tanks.  A small ten man team of 26 Madras led by Lieutenant Jyoti Kumar Dang was divided into two teams.  One team was led by Subedar K. P. Raman Ravi.  When this effort also failed with only three members of team surviving, then it was decided to use tank fire.  Two tanks fired about twenty shells at Akal Takht that silenced the opposition.  The remainder militants trying to escape from Akal Takht were killed and several surrendered.  When the firing finally stopped, Bhindrawale and Major General ® Shahbeg Singh laid dead along with scores of militants and large number of innocent civilians caught in the firefight.
Tank fire resulted in fire at Sikh archives where other treasures were also kept.  Colonel Goraya was aware of the importance of securing this Sikh heritage but not sure about troops operating against the militants.  There was only one Sikh regiment in Amritsar; 2 Sikh Light Infantry (SLI) commanded by Lieutenant Colonel D. D. Singh.  Goraya called the commanding officer and arranged for a ten man guard of 2 SLI under the command of a Naib Subedar to guard the Sikh treasures.  Goraya’s concern was not unfounded as later it was discovered that some men of 26 Madras were engaged in looting.  Later, Major General Jamwal made sure that all items returned. 
Hostel complex around lungar hall had hundreds of rooms.  9 Kumaon and two companies of 15 Kumaon were assigned the task of clearing hostel complex.   Major H. K. Palta; a company commander of 9 Kumaon escorted Akali leaders from Guru Ram Das Sarai to a MES bungalow. 
Later, 10 Dogra relieved 9 Kumaon and continued the mopping up operation.  In an unfortunate incident 10 Dogra’s medical officer Dr. Captain Rampal was snatched by militants while attending to injured soldiers.  10 Dogra tried a rescue mission but Rampal was killed by militants.  In the phase III of the operation, 19 Mahrata Light Infantry (MLI) commanded by Officiating Commanding Officer Major Jagjit Singh (he was later arrested and tried by court martial for hiding weapons) arrested militants at Damdami Taksal without violence.  10 Assam commanded by Lieutenant Colonel S. K. Sharma arrested militants from a Gurdwara in Talwandi without any bloodshed.
The exact number of causalities is controversial.  Army suffered significant casualties due to frontal assault and well placed defenses of militants in the buildings creating ‘kill zones’.  Security forces suffered eight three killed including four officers, four Junior Commissioned Officers (JCOs) and seventy five other ranks.  Two hundred and forty eight were wounded including thirteen officers, sixteen JCOs and two hundred and nineteen other ranks.  10 Guards suffered nineteen killed and fifty three wounded, 1 Para seventeen killed and thirty one wounded, 26 Madras fourteen killed and forty nine wounded and 15 Kumaon seven killed and twenty three wounded.  The exact number of Sikhs both militants and civilians killed in the operation is hotly debated.  Indian government claimed that four hundred and ninety two were killed including thirty women and five children and eighty six wounded.  Sikhs claim that thousands were killed. 
Militarily, there was poor planning and coordination at several levels.  Two main commanders on the spot; Brar and Jamwal were both from the same battalion 1 Mahrata Light Infantry but didn’t get along well.  Jamwal’s division was based in Amritsar and familiar with the operational area but he probably saw it as a slight that operation was assigned to 9 Division.  9 Division was chosen as government wanted a Sikh officer to lead the operation to avoid the allegation that Hindu soldiers were attacking the holiest place of Sikhs.  9 Division was not familiar with the operational area as there was no time for preparation, briefing or reconnaissance about a very difficult and unconventional task.  A delicate balance was needed where Sikh troops were not used for the fear that they may refuse to attack their holiest place but two Sikh officers; Brar and Dayal were put in the forefront.  In defense of Brar, he was not given the option of taking his time for planning and reconnaissance before launching the operation.
Many criticized the conduct of military operation with the benefit of the hindsight.  Main objections include;
–        Timing of the operation
–        Conduct of operation
–        Use of tank fire
–        Failure to anticipate reaction of Sikh soldiers
June 05 was the martyrdom day of a Sikh guru and large numbers of devotees were inside the temple.  Sikh leadership had called for non-payment of taxes from June 05 and army feared that Bhindrawale may announce establishment of Khalistan on that day.  Army had to finish the operation quickly as they feared that thousands of angry Sikhs from villages may descend on Amritsar on hearing the news of attack on Golden Temple.  Many suggest that army should have cut off water and electric supply of the Golden Temple and forced militants to surrender.  Thousands of devotees visit Golden Temple and such action was bound to cause reaction.  Few months earlier in Moga, police laid siege to a cluster of Gurdwaras and cut off water and electric supply when they were fired upon from these Gurdwaras.  Sikh leaders had threatened to send ‘martyr squads’ to free these Gurdwaras.  One can easily imagine the kind of reaction from a prolonged siege of Golden Temple.  Army used tank fire only against heavily fortified Akal Takht and after suffering heavy casualties.  Some Sikh officers suggest that if army had briefed army commanders about operation, they could have talked to Sikh soldiers to allay their concerns.  The dilemma for any army commander is how much to share.  If he shares information with large numbers, he risks losing the element of surprise and if he restricts information, others are surprised from the fall out. 
Post Operation
Fall Out for the Army
Operation Blue Star enraged Sikh community and discontent quickly spread to the army.  9 Sikh stationed at Ganganagar; Rajhastan mutinied on the night of June 07, 1984.  Soldiers broke into the armory and fired in the air near officer’s residential quarters forcing the officers to hunker down.  Over 400 mutinous soldiers commandered battalion’s vehicles including Commanding Officer Lieutenant Colonel I. S. Sabarwal’s jeep and headed to Punjab.  Soldiers forced through an armed constabulary check post at Rajhastan-Punjab border killing a constable.  11 Rajputana Rifles and 94 Field Regiment were given the task of intercepting these rebellious Sikhs and they were able to arrest few and later near Govindgarh a clash resulted in many casualties.  Over 200 made it to Moga where they were surrounded in a Gurdwara.  A force consisting of 3 Garhwal Rifles, 15 Garhwal Rifles, 12 Grenadiers, APCs of 9 Mechanized Regiment and few tanks of 20 Lancers under the command of Brigadier A. S. Bans surrounded the Gurdwara.  After tense negotiations soldiers surrendered without further violence.  The battalion was disbanded on April 1, 1985. 
On June 10, around 1500 Sikh recruits of Sikh Regimental Center at Ramgarh, Bihar mutinied.  Subedar Major ran to Commandant Brigadier S. C. Puri’s home to inform him.  Puri got in the car along with Subedar Major and on the way picked up Deputy Commandant Colonel Jagdesh Singh and battalion commander Lieutenant Colonel H. S. Cheema.  When the jeep came to the center, it was fired upon injuring all occupants.  Driver drove the jeep to the hospital where Brigadier Puri died from his wounds. Cheema was not severely wounded and he returned to the center and tried to rally soldiers.   Mutinous soldiers and recruits commandeered civilian vehicles and headed towards Amritsar.  Near Vernasi, they divided into two groups for their onward journey.  Indian army dispatched 21st Mechanized Infantry Brigade along with an artillery unit to put fear of God in Sikh recruits.  Second group of rebels was tackled by 20th Infantry Brigade along with some artillery.  In the ensuing firefight, thirty five soldiers were killed and others arrested. 
In Jammu, one hundred and thirty soldiers of 18 Sikh deserted but later captured by 2 Grenadiers without violence as most deserters were unarmed.  One hundred and thirty three soldiers of 14 Punjab Regiment in Pune deserted with their weapons.  13 Mahar intercepted the deserters and later 2 Kumaon clashed with deserters killing many.  On June 11, over two hundred soldiers of 3 Sikh stationed in Tripura deserted.  They drove their vehicles to train station to head towards Punjab.  They had carried with them all the liquor.  At the station, most of them got drunk.  Commanding Officer Lieutenant Colonel G. S. Kalhoun persuaded them to return to the lines.  He allowed them to keep their weapons with them at night and next morning they deposited the weapons and 5 Mahar took charge of the quarter guard.  There was unrest in two artillery regiments with significant number of Sikhs.  Ninety soldiers of 166 Mountain Regiment stationed in the east and twenty seven soldiers of 171 Field Regiment stationed in Alwar deserted.  Soldiers of 5 Sikh (nick named Dastori) were disturbed.  Commanding Officer Lieutenant Colonel Gurcharan Singh Brar spent lot of time with soldiers and calmed them down.  His main argument was that soldiers should not do anything that could harm century old traditions of the battalion.  There was no act of disobedience from Sikhs of armored corps but army leaders were concerned as mutinous armored troops could cause much more damage than infantry troops.  46 Armored Regiment commanded by Colonel B. S. Sandhu sent a tank squadron under the command of Major G. S. Ghumman outside Amritsar with orders to shoot any tanks trying to enter Amritsar.
In the aftermath of the mutiny of Sikh troops, there were two opinions in the army.  Non-Sikh officers especially COAS General Vaidya suggested stern measures against mutinous soldiers (an exception was a Sikh senior officer then GOC-in-Chief of Southern Command Lieutenant General T. S. Oberoi) while Sikh officers and some others suggested a lenient approach.  Five retired senior Sikh officers including Lieutenant Generals Jagjit Singh Arora (2nd Punjab Regiment), Harbaksh Singh (5/11 Sikh), J. S. Dhillon, M. S. Wadalia and Sartaj Singh protested that the case of mutinous Sikh soldiers was a special one and they should be dealt differently.  They met President Zail Singh to convey their feelings.  Zail Singh while understanding their concerns suggested that he had no power in this matter.  General Vaidya ordered mixing of some single class regiments and in this process 13 Sikh was reconstituted with Sikh, Dogra, Garhwali and South Indian companies.  These battalions were nick named ‘Vaidya Battalions’ and later this trend was reversed to some extent. 
The Fight Continues
General anger among Sikhs at the desecration of their holiest place provided new recruits for the militants.  Later, several small scale operations were carried out primarily by police and paramilitary troops to dismantle militant infrastructure.  On April 30, 1986 Operation Black Thunder I under the direction of Director General of Police Punjab J. F. Rebeiro cleared some militants from buildings around Golden Temple.  In 1988, some militants again started to take refuge in Golden Temple.  Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of CRPF Sarabdeep Singh Virk was shot and wounded and in 1990, SP (Operations) Taran Taran Harjit Singh was assassinated in a bomb blast.  On May 06, 1988 Operation Black Thunder II under the command of Director General of Police Punjab K. P. S. Gill swept through Golden Temple complex to flush out militants.  In this operation National Security Guards (NSG) under the guidance of its head Ved Marwah (native of Pakistani border town of Peshawar and a career officer of Indian Police Service) and Ajit Doval of IB played the crucial role.  A thousand strong Special Action Group (SAG) of NSG participated in the operation.  In 1990-91 Operation Rakshak I & II was launched.  The most affected areas were Amritsar, Taran Taran, Majithia, Batala and Gurdaspur. 
Militants retaliated by targeting police officers and several officers lost their life.  In 1987, SSP Arvindar Singh Brar, SP Kanwar Ranbir Singh Gill, DSP Harpal Singh, DSP Tara Chand, DSP Gurcharan Singh and DSP Om Parkash were assassinated.  In 1988, Senior Superintendent Police (SSP) Patiala Avindar Singh Brar and Superintendent Police (SP) Headquarters K.R.S. Gill were assassinated by Sikh militants on a jogging trail.  In 1988, in Patiala, SSP Sital Das and SP (Detective) B. S. Brar were killed in office.  In the same year, DSP Faridkot H. S. Gill was also assassinated.  In 1989, DSP Gopal Singh Ghuman was assassinated.  In 1990, Commandant 75 Punjab Armed Police battalion Gobind Ram was killed in a bomb blast.  In the same year, DSP Baldev Singh and DSP Harjit Singh were assassinated while DSP Surjit Singh Ghuman was killed along with his wife and two guards.  In 1991, DIG Border range Ajit Singh was killed in an encounter in Taran Taran and SP of Ropar Jogindar Singh Khaira was assassinated.  In 1992, SP (Detective) R. P. S. Teja and DSP Ram Singh and DSP Rupindar Singh were assassinated.   There were also life attempts on DGP Julio Rubeiro and Governor Shankar Roy.  In August 1985, Harchand Singh Longwal was assassinated and in 1995, Chief Minister of Punjab Beant Singh was killed in a car bomb.  This operation was organized by Balwant Singh and Dilawar Singh acted as suicide bomber.
During his two stints in Punjab as head of police, Gill put in place some tough police officers giving them a free hand to tackle the militants.  The list included SSP Taran Taran Ajit Singh Sandhu, SSP of Amritsar Izhar Alam, SP Bathinda S.K. Singh, SP Gurdaspur Vivek Mishra and DSP of Taran Taran Jaspal Singh Khalra.  In such situations, problems with morale due to target killing of police officers and government’s concern about potential of sympathy of some police officers with their co-religionist militants prompted induction of several officers of paramilitary forces (mainly CRPF and few from BSF) in Punjab.  The list includes S.S. Virk, Rakesh Chandra, S.K. Singh, A.K. Pandey, Khubi Ram, S.P.S. Basra, R.C. Sethi and S.K. Sharma.  Several of these officers served at SP rank during most troubled times in areas heavily infiltrated by militants at great personal risk.  They were later absorbed in Punjab police in 2006 and rewarded with promotion to DIG rank. 
Police used many controversial tactics including extra judicial killings.  Some former low level police officials with criminal record were quietly hired for the job of infiltrating and in some cases eliminating militants in the countryside.  The case of Dalbir Singh is a good example of benefits and risks of this approach.  Dalbir was a constable in Punjab police in dismissed in 1983 on criminal charges.  In 1986, he was quietly re-hired for a different task and worked undercover.  He helped in arrest and elimination of some high profile militants.  He was  promoted Assistant Sub Inspector (ASI) and earned hefty amounts of head money of militants. He started to engage in criminal activities including extortion and even robberies.  After investigation into these allegations, it was decided to remove Dalbir from the force.  He was asked to report to the police station in civil lines and interviewed by senior police officers.  Dalbir pulled his gun and after killing SSP Sital Das and SP Brar shot himself. 
Militancy was finally tackled by Punjab police and this success was due to strengthening of police in numbers, proper equipment and training and selection of good officers to lead the campaign.  Punjab police numbers increased from 35,000 to 65,000 by the end of 1989, better weapons and communication equipment were provided and policemen were trained for the job.  Punjab police was also strengthened by 6000 special police and 20’000 home guard.  Amritsar, Taran Taran, Majithia, Batala and Gurdaspur were the worst affected areas.  In Taran Taran alone, about 200 policemen, Special Police and home guard members lost their life.  Punjab police and their families paid the price and in the years 1988-92, about 1600 policemen were killed in the line of duty.  In addition more than sixty family members of policemen were killed by militants in revenge attacks. 
Like any crisis, there were examples of bad handling of a given situation but also many cases where volatile situations were handled by competent men professionally at great risk to their own lives.  In Ludhiana, an angry crowd of Sikhs was demonstrating in the immediate aftermath of Operation Blue Star.  Brigade commander Brigadier M. M. Lakhera was inclined to fire at the crowd to disperse them.  Deputy Commissioner K. R. Lakhanpal dissuaded him and handled the situation at great personal risk. 
The human side of the conflict is highlighted by two stories.  Bhindrawale’s brother was Subedar Major Harcharan Singh Rhode then serving with 61 Engineers stationed at Jallandhar.  Harcaharn visited Akal Takht in his uniform right after the death of his brother at the hands on Indian army.  A young boy named Bashir Muhammad joined Punjab police and served as guard of DSP Sukhdev Singh Chahal.  Punjab police needed to infiltrate Sikh militant groups and Bashir was chosen for the task.  He was allowed to grow hair and beard and then a fake story was leaked that he had escaped from jail with arms and ammunition.  He managed to join Babbar Khalsa and started to send reports back to police.  He was influenced by the dedication and religious zeal of leaders of the group and decided to convert to Sikhism.  He came clean and informed leaders of Babbar Khalsa that he was a police informant but now wanted to join the Sikh cause.  He was baptized Sikh and named Lachman Singh Babbar.  He was now operating on behalf of militants against security forces.  However, Punjab police finally arrested or killed many militants and broke the back of militancy.  In view of the precarious situation, Lachman Singh moved to Calcutta with his wife.  Police arrested a colleague of Lachman and during interrogation he gave up Lachman’s address.  In May 1993, SP Bathinda S.K. Singh and DSP Chahal with two other policemen went to Calcutta and shot and killed Lachman and his pregnant wife in his apartment.   This incident caused a row between Punjab and West Bengal provincial governments as these officers went on their own without informing West Bengal police.
Conclusion
Conflict in Punjab evolved over several years resulting from clashes between central and provincial political leadership, internal power struggle of Sikh leaders and especially use of religion for political purposes.  The outcome of clash of such volatile forces is never in doubt and Punjab proved to be no exception.  Law and order situation was initially not tackled for political expediency and when it spun out of control fear and inertia settled in starting from the top and seeping all the way down. Finally, when government decided to tackle the issue, a short term use of brute force was thought to be the answer.  Vicious cycle of incremental increase in force and predictable response of further alienation of Sikhs resulted in a conflict that lasted over a decade.  On part of Sikhs, silence of priests of the Golden Temple, political leaders and civil society partly from sympathy and partly due to fear resulted in no vocal opposition to gathering of armed militants and military style fortifications inside the holiest place of Sikh religion.  These gave militants wide room for maneuver and expand their influence.  Even thirty years later, no Sikh is willing to talk on record against Bhindrawale and he has attained a cult status among a portion of Sikhs.
Operation Blue Star and anti-Sikh riots of 1984 left a deep scar on Sikh psyche.  Elimination of militancy and continued political participation in the last two decades brought Punjab back to normalcy but 1984 still evokes deep emotions even among a younger generation of Sikhs born after 1984 especially among Sikh Diaspora.
Dramatis Personae
Indira Gandhi – In 1984, she was Prime Minister of India and ordered army to flush out extremists entrenched in Golden Temple.  On October 31, 1984, she was killed by her two Sikh bodyguards.  Beant Singh was killed on the spot while Satwant Singh was later convicted of murder and hanged in 1989.  Indira’s assassination enraged Hindus and mobs attacked Sikhs.  The worst riots occurred in Delhi where Hindu mobs attacked Sikhs and some estimate that about 3000 Sikhs were killed.  Sikhs alleged that many Congress party office holders were directly involved in these attacks.  Member of parliament from Delhi Lalit Makan and City Counselor and friend of Rajiv Gandhi, Arjun Das were alleged to have a role in anti-Sikh riots.  Makan was married to Gitanjali; daughter of former President of India Shankar Dayal Sharma.  On July 31, 1985, Makan and his wife were gunned down near their house and in September 1985, Das was assassinated in his office. 
Lieutenant General Srinavas Kumar Sinha – He was commissioned from Officer Training School (OTS) at Belgaum in 1942. He was the best cadet of his course.  He was commissioned in 6/9 Jat Regiment.  In 1952, he was transferred to 3/5th Gorkha Rifles and he commanded the battalion in 1964. In 1983, he was G-O-C-in-Chief of Western Command.  He had objected to the planned operation against Sikh militants in Golden Temple and wanted a different approach. In 1984, he was Vice Chief of Army Staff (VCOAS) and as the senior most officer expected to become Chief of Army Staff (COAS) on retirement of General Krishna Rao.  In an unexpected move, government announced appointment of G-O-C-in-Chief of Eastern Command Lieutenant General A. S. Vaidya as new COAS superseding Sinha.  Sinha was retired and later served as governor of Assam and Jammu & Kashmir. 
General Arun Shridar Vaidya – He was a cavalry officer and commanded Deccan Horse in 1965 war.  He was a well decorated officer winning Maha Vir Chakra (MVC) in 1965 war and bar to MVC in 1971 war.  In 1984, he was COAS. He retired in January 1986 and moved to Pune.  On August 10, 1986, he was driving his car coming back home from the market when two gunmen ambushed his car pumping several bullets in the car and killing him on the spot.  In 1986 Sukhdev Singh and in 1987 Harjindar Singh were arrested and charged with murder of Vaidya.  Both were convicted and hanged in 1992. 
General Krishnaswamy Sundarji – He was commissioned in Mahar Regiment and commanded 1 Mahar.  He was G-O-C-in-Chief of Western Command in 1984.  He served as COAS from 1986 to 1988.  He died of natural causes in 1999.
Lieutenant General Ranjit Singh Dayal – Dayal was a well decorated officer from 1 Parachute Regiment winning MVC in 1965 war.  He was Chief of Staff (COS) of Western Command in 1984 and planned Operation Blue Star. In 2005, two Sikh militants were arrested for planning to assassinate Dayal.  He died from cancer in January 2012.  In 2013, his local Gurdwara refused Dayal’s family request to hold prayers on his death anniversary.
Lieutenant General Kuldip Singh Brar – Brar nick named ‘Bulbul’  is from a military family with three generations serving in Indian army.  His grandfather Honorary Captain and Subedar Major Hira Singh served in Indian army.  His father Major General Digambar Singh Brar was commissioned from Sandhurst and served with 5/5 Mahrata Light Infantry .   Bulbul was commissioned in 1 Mahrata Light Infantry (MLI).  In 1984, he was GOC of 9 Division and spearheaded the operation.  He retired as Lieutenant General.  Sikh militants had sworn that they will kill those involved in Operation Blue Star and Bulbul was on top of the hit list.  In India, he is provided extra security protection called Z category protection.  On October 02, 2012, when he was walking on a London street, he was assaulted by three Sikhs who tried to slit his throat.  He survived and his three assailants Mandeep Singh, Dilbagh Singh and Barjindar Singh were later convicted.  He is moved to a secret location and now under Z plus category protection.  He is the last surviving among the group targeted for assassination.
Krishan Pal Singh Gill – He is IPS officer of 1957 batch from Assam cadre.  He served most of his career in northeast rising to the post of DGP Meghalaya.  He also served as IG Punjab Armed Police (PAP), IG BSF – Jammu and DG CRPF.  In 1988, he was brought to Punjab to tackle militancy.  He served two tenures as Director General of Punjab Police 1988-89 & 1991-95.  He crushed militants with ruthless efficiency.  He survived at least five assassination attempts.  In 1999, Richpal Singh was arrested with explosives in Delhi for planning to kill K.P.S. Gill.
Major General ® Shah Beg Singh – His life story is amazing and provides a window to changing borders and loyalties.  He was a graduate of Government College Lahore and commissioned in 2nd Punjab Regiment during the Raj.  He joined the elite paratroopers (Ist Para Battalion) as Indian citizen and participated in every war which his country fought.  In 1947-48, he fought against Pakistan army in Nawshehra area of Kashmir.  In 1962, Indo-China war, he was GSO-Intelligence at IV Corps headquarters.  In 1965, Indo-Pakistan war, he commanded 3/11th  Gorkha Rifles in Haji Pir sector of Kashmir.  Later he commanded 19 Infantry Brigade in Jammu & Kashmir.  He also served as Deputy GOC of 8 Mountain division during Naga counter-insurgency operations.  In 1971 war with Pakistan, as a Brigadier, he was given charge of Delta sector with headquarters at Agartala to train Bengalis fighting against Pakistan.  He was instrumental in organizing Bengali officers and soldiers, who were his former enemies and new friends to help them achieve their independence.  He was promoted Major General and served as GOC of Bihar & Orissa.  Senior Pakistani POWs were interned at Jabalpur under his command.  He got in trouble with Indira Gandhi when he refused to get troops involved in arrest of Jay Prakash Narain agitating against government.  He was posted out to UP area Head Quarters where he got into trouble with army authorities.  Kumaon Regimental Center was in his jurisdiction and he found that commander of Kumaon military farm gave large sum of money to COAS General Tappy Raina.  Court of inquiry found that Tappy received about two hundred thousand Rupees to meet the expenses of his daughter’s marriage.  Shahbeg asked Tappy to return the money. Shahbeg was immediately relieved of his command and an inquiry started against him.  Later he was charged with various infringements including charges that when he left Jabalpur area headquarter, he received a commemorative plaque worth 2500 Rupees, allowing sale of some items at canteens and cultivated some produce on the grounds of his official residence.   He was dismissed from army one day before his retirement date of May 01, 1976 and he was a bitter man.
He joined Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and present at Golden Temple when Indian army launched operation in 1984.   He was gunned down by the bullets of the same Indian army which had earlier awarded him two medals of bravery (Param Vashist Sewa Medal and Ati Vashist Sewa Medal).  Ironically, his own 1 Para was at the forefront of the assault.  He joined British Indian army and fought against Japanese in Burma.  In this fight, Punjabi Muslims and Pathans serving in his regiment were his comrades.  When India and Pakistan achieved independence, his former comrades became his enemies and he fought against them in 1947-48 and 1965.  In 1971, the scene suddenly changed.  Now he found new comrades (Bengalis) among his enemies (Pakistanis).  He trained Bengalis and helped them fight for their independence.  He ended up taking arms against the same flag which he had so proudly carried in so many battlefields.  His life was ended not by bullets fired by Japanese, Pakistanis or Bengalis but by the soldiers of the same army which he had so proudly served.  What a change in only one lifetime. 
Acknowledgements: Author thanks many for valuable information and corrections.  However, author is solely responsible for all errors and omissions.
There are many sources about Operation Blue Star looking from different perspectives.  Works by security personnel present their point of view while several works especially videos are sympathetic to militant point of view.  A partial list includes;
– Lieutenant General ® Kuldip Singh Brar. Operation Blue Star: the Untold Story.
– K.P.S. Gill.  Punjab: The Knights of Falsehood.
– K.P.S. Gill.  Endgame in Punjab 1988-1993 in Fault lines, Vol. 1 No. 1
– Julio Ribeiro.  Bullet for Bullet: My Life as a Police Officer
– Kirpal Singh Dhillon.  Time Present and Time Past: Memoirs of an Unorthodox Top Cop.
-Brigadier Onkar Singh Goraya.  Operation Blue Star & After: An Eyewitness Account.
– S. Mahmud Ali.  Sikh Separatism in East Punjab in The Fearful State: Power, People and Internal War in South Asia
– Mark Tully.  Amritsar: Mrs. Gandhi’s Last Battle
– Cynthia Keppley Mahmood.  Fighting for Faith and Nation: Dialogue with Sikh Militants.
– Apurba Kundu.  The Indian Armed Forces ‘Sikh and Non-Sikh Officers’ Opinion of Operation Blue Star.  Pacific Affairs, Vol. 67, No. 1. (Spring, 1994), pp. 46-49
– Sumit Ganguly and David P. Idler.  India & Counterinsurgency: Lessons Learned.
-Hartosh Singh Bal.  The Shattered Dome in The Caravan May 2014.
– Lieutenant Colonel Vivek Chadda’s Low Intensity Conflicts in India: An Analysis.
-Kanwar Sandhu’s documentary about Operation Blue Star released in 2013 is a detailed analysis of the operation. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HhO5BRsTfl8
Hamid Hussain
May 29, 2014

The Golden Temple

As we peruse this report on Operation Bluestar by Hartosh Singh Bal we find even more reasons why religion should stay out of South Asian politics (but then as a liberal atheist we are expected to believe that). At the minimum what is required right now are decent politicians who will not exploit heavenly matters for earthly gain.

…..
The dismal story of Bluestar had been set on its tracks by Sanjay
Gandhi, but it now appears that its disastrous conclusion was the work of his
brother Rajiv, who swept to power with the biggest mandate in Indian history
following his mother’s assassination. 

Operation Bluestar was not just Indira Gandhi’s last battle; it was the
first, and perhaps the most disastrous, of Rajiv’s blunders.

By the time the smoke cleared over the Darbar Sahib, hundreds of
innocent bystanders had died.
 

Bhindranwale lay murdered, and the Akal Takht, where he had set up his
final defiance of Delhi, stood shattered. The operation was followed by the
assassination of Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards, and the organised
massacre of thousands of Sikhs by Hindu mobs, led mainly by Congress
politicians.

…….. ….

Our opinion (as  informed by our relatives who survived in the war zone) is that 1984 was a great crime and happened as part of an action-reaction story (Hartosh does not account for the Hindus who were forced out of buses and summarily shot to death). But as he makes it clear like never before, the desperation of the Royal Family to get back into power in Punjab and how Rajiv Gandhi and his cronies played with fire (which later consumed the family as well). It is clear also that ordinary people matter very little in the scheme of things, with dynasties looking to survive (through a policy of divide and rule) or outstanding egos looking to be fed (by human blood). Justice in its own fashion has been handed out after more than 30 years have gone by. It is too little, too late.

There is one thing also that Hartosh does not tell us about (he is correct in his opinion that the election of the BJP and the destruction of the Congress party is not a good omen for India). If it comes to a full fledged battle, the Sikhs will lose out badly and not just in India. The holy shrines of the Sikhs are spread out all over India and Pakistan. At present there are protests that the shrines are being desecrated in Pakistan. There was a major security  incident whereby Sikh protestors converged on the Pakistan Parliament.

Matters have become so polarized in South Asia that it may come to this that minority communities will not be able to survive outside of ghettos (and even imperfectly inside them). Case in point is Rabwah in Pakistan (Ahmadis) and Juhapura in Gujarat (Muslims). It will require statesmen of extra-ordinary stature to overcome  the politics of polarization (the Aam Admi Party won in Punjab by associating with a Sikh militant group, see below). Politics for short term convenience and reliance on ideological extremists to get rid of moderates is the bane of South Asia. It must stop right now. We must have peace just to survive (Hartosh talks about the drug menace in Punjab threatening to derail another generation of youngsters after a previous generation has been lost to militancy), if not to prosper.
…………………………..

Following
the Punjab insurgency, which extended from the early 1980s to the mid
1990s, the number of pilgrims to the Darbar Sahib has increased rapidly.
The queues to enter the shrine now extend beyond the causeway; but the
sense of quiet calm remains, though it is at odds with the shrine’s
history. Perhaps no place of worship so central to a major religion in
India has seen as much violence within its premises.

The sarovar was constructed in 1581 by Ram Das, the fourth Sikh guru.
The tank was lined and the shrine completed by the fifth guru, Arjan
Dev, in 1601. By that time, the Sikh congregation had grown large enough
for the Mughal emperor Jehangir to see Guru Arjan as a threat to his
sovereignty. He was arrested in 1606, and tortured to death when he
refused to convert to Islam. For his followers, this first martyrdom in
their incipient faith would become the paradigm for Sikhism’s
relationship with the durbar in Delhi.

The sixth guru, Hargobind, donned two swords to represent a change in
the nature of his leadership—he would be not only a spiritual guide to
his disciples (piri), but also a preceptor in their temporal lives (miri). The weapons form Sikhism’s central symbol, the khanda—a
pair of linked swords. The guru ensured the same symbolism was
reflected in the architecture of the Darbar Sahib. Across from the
causeway, facing the central shrine, which represents spiritual
authority, he constructed the building known as the Akal Takht, the
timeless throne, from where he administered justice like any temporal
authority.

Once the line of living gurus ended with Guru Gobind Singh in 1708, this authority over the Sikhs came to be vested in the jathedar,
or custodian, of the Akal Takht. Through the eighteenth century, as
centralised authority broke down in the Punjab, the Sikhs grew in
strength. Dispersed, led by various men, groups of Sikh warriors would
gather periodically at the Akal Takht to plan and direct their course of
action. Those seeking to contain them would target the Harmandir Sahib
and the Akal Takht.

Each person who has desecrated the shrine occupies an oversize space
in the collective memory of the community. Every Sikh can recount the
story of Massa Rangar, who was appointed the kotwal or ruler of
Amritsar in 1740 and proceeded to host nautch parties in the Harmandir
Sahib, having first removed the holy book, the Guru Granth Sahib, from
its place. He was beheaded by two Sikhs, Mehtab and Sukha Singh, who
claimed to be revenue officers coming to deposit a large sum of money.

Even better known is the story of a defender of the faith, Baba Deep
Singh. In 1757, the Afghan emperor Ahmad Shah Abdali, having sacked
Delhi for the fourth time, was waylaid by a Sikh contingent near
Kurukshetra. Angered, he left his son Taimur Shah behind as the governor
of Lahore to take care of this menace. Taimur demolished the Harmandir
Sahib, but the seventy-five-year-old Deep Singh led a contingent of five
hundred Sikhs to take back the complex. By the time he neared Amritsar,
their number had swelled to five thousand. Clashing with a much larger
Afghan army, Deep Singh was injured by a blow to the neck, but continued
to fight his way to the Darbar Sahib, eventually succumbing to his
injuries by the sarovar. On the parikrama, the spot where he is believed
to have fallen is marked by a portrait of him carrying his decapitated
head in one hand, still holding a sword aloft in the other.

The martyrdom of Baba Deep Singh resonates through Sikh history. Two
centuries later, in June 1984, when the Indian Army went into the Darbar
Sahib on orders from prime minister Indira Gandhi, it was to disarm and
dislodge Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, who according to tradition was the
fourteenth head of the Damdami Taksaal, an orthodox Sikh seminary once
headed, it is said, by Deep Singh. In the mythology of a faith where the
stories of Massa Rangar and Deep Singh arouse intense and contrary
emotions, Sikhs memorialised both Bhindranwale and Gandhi in accordance
with the roles they had assumed—one the defender, the other a
desecrator.

The trajectory of those two lives, both of which ended violently
thirty years ago, intersected for the first time in 1977, when
Bhindranwale assumed charge of the Damdami Taksaal, and Gandhi was swept
out of power after the Emergency. Nowhere was Gandhi’s decision to
suspend the constitution as strongly contested as in Punjab, and no
party resisted it with quite the ferocity of the Akali Dal, which
represented Sikh interests in the state. Over the next seven years,
Gandhi, Bhindranwale and the Akali Dal would lead three fronts in a
battle in which they faced off, realigned with and schemed against each
other until the very end.

From the moment an Akali Dal government, in alliance with the Janata
Party and the Communist Party of India (Marxist), took charge of Punjab
in 1977, Gandhi’s politics were guided by her desire to cut the Akalis
down to size. The execution of her wishes was left to her son, Sanjay
Gandhi, and her loyalist, the canny Sikh politician Giani Zail Singh,
who chose Bhindranwale as their weapon. Bhindranwale saw no reason to
refuse their aid; any support for his brand of Sikh orthodoxy was
welcome.

By the time the Congress returned to power in the state in 1980,
Bhindranwale was well on his way to becoming a popular icon,
accumulating so much power that the Akalis, whom he was supposed to be
undermining, ended up turning to him for help. He became the dominant
political force in Punjab: by 1983, he was running a parallel state from
within the Darbar Sahib complex, handing down death sentences and
dispensing rough justice before adoring supplicants. Even the policemen
in Punjab tasked with arresting him were reduced to seeking his
protection.

Bluestar, the military operation to remove Bhindranwale from the
Darbar Sahib, ended this regime—but at the cost of hundreds of lives,
and the credibility of the Indian Army, which subsequently had to deal
with mutinous troops for the first time in the history of independent
India. Although the action has been examined in close detail in the
years following the attack, the lack of planning and intelligence, and
the hurry to carry it out, have never been properly explained.

In February this year, the declassification of intelligence documents
in the UK revealed information about a commando operation inside the
Darbar Sahib that was planned but never executed. Given this evidence, I
revisited several people who had witnessed the events leading up to
Operation Bluestar. In light of these interviews, it is possible to
assemble a more coherent picture than ever before of the Gandhi family’s
political calculations, which were central to the nature of the final
operation. The dismal story of Bluestar had been set on its tracks by
Sanjay Gandhi, but it now appears that its disastrous conclusion was the
work of his brother Rajiv, who swept to power with the biggest mandate
in Indian history following his mother’s assassination. Operation
Bluestar was not just Indira Gandhi’s last battle; it was the first, and
perhaps the most disastrous, of Rajiv’s blunders.

By the time the smoke cleared over the Darbar Sahib, hundreds of
innocent bystanders had died. Bhindranwale lay murdered, and the Akal
Takht, where he had set up his final defiance of Delhi, stood shattered.
The operation was followed by the assassination of Indira Gandhi by her
Sikh bodyguards, and the organised massacre of thousands of Sikhs by
Hindu mobs, led mainly by Congress politicians. In Punjab, militancy
against the Indian state reached levels unprecedented in the years
before Bluestar; it took a decade for a semblance of peace to return.

Over the last thirty years, the debate over Bluestar has played out
between two extreme points of view: that of radicals in Punjab and
abroad, who dwell on the Congress’s role while overlooking
Bhindranwale’s complicity, and that of people in the rest of India, who
tend to focus on Bhindranwale with little sense of the Congress’s
contribution to the tragedy. Many Indians may believe the events of that
June can be consigned to the history books, but their memory remains
alive in Punjab. Many Sikhs continue to view the operation, and the
figure of Bhindranwale, in a markedly different light from the rest of
the country. Without understanding how such distinct perspectives came
to exist, it may be impossible to come to terms with the history of
Bluestar.

– See more at: http://www.caravanmagazine.in/print/4423#sthash.VRumZKHB.dpuf

Following the Punjab insurgency, which extended from the early 1980s to
the mid 1990s,
the number of pilgrims to the Darbar Sahib has increased
rapidly. The queues to enter the shrine now extend beyond the causeway; but the
sense of quiet calm remains, though it is at odds with the shrine’s history.
Perhaps no place of worship so central to a major religion in India has seen as
much violence within its premises.

….
The sarovar was constructed in 1581 by Ram Das, the fourth Sikh guru.
The tank was lined and the shrine completed by the fifth guru, Arjan Dev, in
1601. By that time, the Sikh congregation had grown large enough for the Mughal
emperor Jehangir to see Guru Arjan as a threat to his sovereignty. He was
arrested in 1606, and tortured to death when he refused to convert to Islam.
For his followers, this first martyrdom in their incipient faith would become
the paradigm for Sikhism’s relationship with the durbar in Delhi.


The sixth guru, Hargobind, donned two swords to represent a change in
the nature of his leadership—he would be not only a spiritual guide to his
disciples (piri), but also a preceptor in their temporal lives (miri). 


The weapons form Sikhism’s central symbol, the khanda—a pair of linked
swords. The guru ensured the same symbolism was reflected in the architecture
of the Darbar Sahib. Across from the causeway, facing the central shrine, which
represents spiritual authority, he constructed the building known as the Akal
Takht, the timeless throne, from where he administered justice like any
temporal authority.

Once the line of living gurus ended with Guru Gobind Singh in 1708, this
authority over the Sikhs came to be vested in the jathedar, or custodian, of
the Akal Takht. Through the eighteenth century, as centralised authority broke
down in the Punjab, the Sikhs grew in strength. Dispersed, led by various men,
groups of Sikh warriors would gather periodically at the Akal Takht to plan and
direct their course of action. Those seeking to contain them would target the
Harmandir Sahib and the Akal Takht.


Each person who has desecrated the shrine occupies an oversize space in
the collective memory of the community. Every Sikh can recount the story of
Massa Rangar, who was appointed the kotwal or ruler of Amritsar in 1740 and
proceeded to host nautch parties in the Harmandir Sahib, having first removed
the holy book, the Guru Granth Sahib, from its place. He was beheaded by two
Sikhs, Mehtab and Sukha Singh, who claimed to be revenue officers coming to
deposit a large sum of money.


Even better known is the story of a defender of the faith, Baba Deep
Singh. In 1757, the Afghan emperor Ahmad Shah Abdali, having sacked Delhi for
the fourth time, was waylaid by a Sikh contingent near Kurukshetra. Angered, he
left his son Taimur Shah behind as the governor of Lahore to take care of this
menace. 


Taimur demolished the Harmandir Sahib, but the seventy-five-year-old
Deep Singh led a contingent of five hundred Sikhs to take back the complex. By
the time he neared Amritsar, their number had swelled to five thousand. Clashing
with a much larger Afghan army, Deep Singh was injured by a blow to the neck,
but continued to fight his way to the Darbar Sahib, eventually succumbing to
his injuries by the sarovar. On the parikrama, the spot where he is believed to
have fallen is marked by a portrait of him carrying his decapitated head in one
hand, still holding a sword aloft in the other.

….
The martyrdom of Baba Deep Singh resonates through Sikh history. Two
centuries later, in June 1984, when the Indian Army went into the Darbar Sahib
on orders from prime minister Indira Gandhi, it was to disarm and dislodge
Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, who according to tradition was the fourteenth head
of the Damdami Taksaal, an orthodox Sikh seminary once headed, it is said, by
Deep Singh. 


In the mythology of a faith where the stories of Massa Rangar and Deep
Singh arouse intense and contrary emotions, Sikhs memorialised both
Bhindranwale and Gandhi in accordance with the roles they had assumed—one the
defender, the other a desecrator.


The trajectory of those two lives, both of which ended violently thirty
years ago, intersected for the first time in 1977, when Bhindranwale assumed
charge of the Damdami Taksaal, and Gandhi was swept out of power after the
Emergency. Nowhere was Gandhi’s decision to suspend the constitution as
strongly contested as in Punjab, and no party resisted it with quite the
ferocity of the Akali Dal, which represented Sikh interests in the state. 


Over the next seven years, Gandhi, Bhindranwale and the Akali Dal would
lead three fronts in a battle in which they faced off, realigned with and
schemed against each other until the very end.

….
From the moment an Akali Dal government, in alliance with the Janata
Party and the Communist Party of India (Marxist), took charge of Punjab in
1977, Gandhi’s politics were guided by her desire to cut the Akalis down to
size.
The execution of her wishes was left to her son,
Sanjay Gandhi, and her loyalist, the canny Sikh politician Giani Zail Singh,
who chose Bhindranwale as their weapon. Bhindranwale saw no reason to refuse
their aid; any support for his brand of Sikh orthodoxy was welcome.

….
By the time the Congress returned to power in the state in 1980,
Bhindranwale was well on his way to becoming a popular icon, accumulating so
much power that the Akalis, whom he was supposed to be undermining, ended up
turning to him for help. He became the dominant political force in Punjab: by
1983, he was running a parallel state from within the Darbar Sahib complex,
handing down death sentences and dispensing rough justice before adoring
supplicants. Even the policemen in Punjab tasked with arresting him were
reduced to seeking his protection.


Bluestar, the military operation to remove Bhindranwale from the Darbar
Sahib, ended this regime—but at the cost of hundreds of lives, and the
credibility of the Indian Army, which subsequently had to deal with mutinous
troops for the first time in the history of independent India.
Although
the action has been examined in close detail in the years following the attack,
the lack of planning and intelligence, and the hurry to carry it out, have
never been properly explained.

….
In February this year, the declassification of intelligence documents in
the UK revealed information about a commando operation inside the Darbar Sahib
that was planned but never executed. Given this evidence, I revisited several
people who had witnessed the events leading up to Operation Bluestar. In light
of these interviews, it is possible to assemble a more coherent picture than
ever before of the Gandhi family’s political calculations, which were central
to the nature of the final operation. 

….
The dismal story of Bluestar had been set on its tracks by Sanjay
Gandhi, but it now appears that its disastrous conclusion was the work of his
brother Rajiv, who swept to power with the biggest mandate in Indian history
following his mother’s assassination. 

….
Operation Bluestar was not just Indira Gandhi’s last battle; it was the
first, and perhaps the most disastrous, of Rajiv’s blunders.


By the time the smoke cleared over the Darbar Sahib, hundreds of
innocent bystanders had died.
 
….
Bhindranwale lay murdered, and the Akal Takht, where he had set up his
final defiance of Delhi, stood shattered. The operation was followed by the
assassination of Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards, and the organised
massacre of thousands of Sikhs by Hindu mobs, led mainly by Congress
politicians. In Punjab, militancy against the Indian state reached levels
unprecedented in the years before Bluestar; it took a decade for a semblance of
peace to return.

….
Over the last thirty years, the debate over Bluestar has played out
between two extreme points of view: that of radicals in Punjab and abroad, who
dwell on the Congress’s role while overlooking Bhindranwale’s complicity, and
that of people in the rest of India, who tend to focus on Bhindranwale with
little sense of the Congress’s contribution to the tragedy. 

….
Many Indians may believe the events of that June can be consigned to the
history books, but their memory remains alive in Punjab.

Many Sikhs continue
to view the operation, and the figure of Bhindranwale, in a markedly different
light from the rest of the country. Without understanding how such distinct
perspectives came to exist, it may be impossible to come to terms with the
history of Bluestar

…….
Link: http://www.caravanmagazine.in/print/4423#sthash.VRumZKHB.dpuf
…………..

regards

Shri Hemkunt Sahib

Guru Govind Singh meditated at this spot, high up on the Garhwal Himalayas.
The nearby valley of flowers is an unforgettable place to visit as well.

 
While the fact is that lakhs of pilgrims would love to visit the place, we wish they take all appropriate precautions. We forget easily even the most horrible events (it is probably a defense mechanism, else we all will go mad). But last year’s tragedy must still be fresh in people’s minds.

If any BPeeps are headed that way we will appreciate if you share your travel experiences.
………………………
The portals of the famous Hemkund Sahib Gurdwara located in snow-capped Garhwal Himalayas were thrown open to pilgrims today. Shri Hemkunt Sahib, where Guru Gobind Singh meditated before his incarnation
as the 10th Sikh guru, is one of the most revered places and attracts
lakhs of pilgrims every year.

Braving chilly weather, over
3,000 Sikh pilgrims offered their prayers at the star-shaped Gurdwara
situated at a height of 16,000 ft in Chamoli district.

The
shrine opens for four months in a year as the area remains snow-bound
during the rest of the period. It had remained closed since October 10
last year.
……………………………. 

………………………
Link: http://shrihemkuntsahib.com/home.html
………..

regards
  

Sikh stereotypes

In South Asia the small minority communities have it difficult (always the danger of getting swallowed by the majority) and easy (they are lionized for some or other outstanding qualities). When we see the high social indicators of Jains, Sikhs, and Christians (but not the neo-Buddhists) then we subconsciously connect the good in the J/S/C philosophy and link it back to the indicators. Simply put, J/S/C good, H/M bad.

There is a good and bad part of this “boosting.” The good part is that the value of being a minority, of increasing diversity is not (often) questioned. The bad part is that well, things are really not what they seem to be. The most egalitarian ideology fails the acid test of the caste system/biradiri. And the most useful test is to observe how behavior patterns change when the minority becomes a (local) majority.

The best (worst) example is the case of the North-East (Naga) Christians who have often led blockades of Manipur valley (mostly Hindus) including one mega-blockade which went on for 250 (+) days. It was part extortion and part black-mailing and full-scale terrorism. Sick people could not reach hospitals, children could not get to schools and the common people suffered terribly. Of course these incidents barely ever reach the national press let alone international press. 

“The life has reached its most difficult stage without food and
essential commodities. There is acute shortage of fuel, which has
affected students not being able to go to schools and colleges.
Hospitals have run out of oxygen, there is shortage of medicines,” it
said.

http://www.christiantoday.co.in/articles/christians-urged-to-pray-for-peace-in-manipur/5373.htm

Then there are the Sikhs, who in our opinion are the most outstanding people on earth. They have been horribly victimized in Partition I and again due to Mrs Gandhi’s machinations in the 1970s culminating with the high crimes of 1984 (we tend not to over-use the word genocide).

Frankly speaking our (wrongly held) opinion of the Akali Dal was that it is a grass-roots organization run by a passionate and close-knit circle. But we had no idea that it is basically just one family which controls every switch on the switch-board. At this level it is akin to Shiv Sena, one organization we are a bit more familiar with. Stereotypes are still mostly true, but the Akali Dal is just another SAsian “family business.”

……

Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal runs the
northern Indian state of Punjab from his office in the secretariat
building. His son, a wealthy businessman, works next door as deputy
chief minister. A few floors away, the
deputy’s two brothers-in-law run key ministerial offices. Together, the
four men sit atop half of Punjab’s governmental departments, including
home affairs, justice, taxation and food supply.

Politics
in Punjab, a relatively affluent, agrarian state of 28 million, is
largely a family-run operation, which isn’t uncommon in a country
governed for decades by the Indian National Congress, the party of the
Nehru-Gandhi clan.
But frustration with family politics has
surfaced in India’s national elections, which end with the announcement
of results Friday. Political analysts and voters say this frustration is
an important reason why prime-minister candidate Narendra Modi—a critic
of dynastic politics who said he gave up family life for public
service—is the front-runner. He was leading in exit polls Monday. The father, grandmother and great-grandfather of his opponent,

Rahul Gandhi,

all served terms as prime minister in India’s postcolonial era.

While
the U.S. has its own dynastic family names—Kennedy, Bush and
Clinton—none match the depth of India’s family ties. A British historian
in a 2011 study found that two-thirds of India’s national
parliamentarians under 40 were related to other politicians. And voters
here have grown increasingly suspicious that such family networks use
policy-making and executive authority to enrich themselves and their
protégés.

In Punjab, a Wall Street
Journal review of financial and government documents, as well as
interviews, found Mr. Badal’s relatives have benefited financially
during his administration, with government decisions on transportation
and electric power favorable to family enterprises. Badal family
connections in regional TV news broadcasting, meanwhile, have had the
effect of squelching voices critical of the arrangement, according to
political opponents.

A spokesman for Mr.
Badal, Harcharan Bains, said, “there is no unwritten convention or
written law” in India that people in public life can’t have business
interests. The Badals say their business deals are kept at arm’s length
and deny any abuse of power. Voters support them, they say, because they
improve the lives of constituents, expanding infrastructure and
development, for example.

“This family system runs because of
credibility,” said deputy chief minister Sukhbir Singh Badal, age 51.
“Why do people want to buy a Mercedes car? Or a BMW car? Because they
know the credibility of that car. You come out with a new car that
nobody knows, nobody will buy it.”

The
Badal family hails from southern Punjab, where members have long been
affluent landowners. Mr. Badal, the 86-year-old patriarch, is an
energetic man with a long white beard who rose through the ranks of
Shiromani Akali Dal, an influential regional party formed in 1920 to
protect the interests of the Sikh community, who make up a majority of
Punjab residents.

Mr. Badal served two
brief stints as chief minister in the 1970s, and then a five-year term
from 1997 to 2002, earning a reputation as an effective grass-roots
politician. During visits, he would sit under a tree and ask villagers
their problems, residents recalled, then press officials to respond.

Badal
family fortunes turned up in the months after Mr. Badal’s re-election
to chief minister in 2007. The state cabinet, which he heads, overhauled
Punjab’s transportation policy, making it less expensive to operate
luxury buses.

Air-conditioned buses had
always been taxed at higher rates than ordinary buses. But a new
transportation policy slashed levies on air-conditioned buses and set
taxes—charged per kilometer—for a new category of luxury buses that was
lower than the tax paid by ordinary buses.

A
bus company owned by Sukhbir Singh Badal, the deputy chief minister,
saw profits grow to more than 105 million rupees, or $1.7 million, in
2013 from 2.5 million rupees, or $41,000, in 2007, according to the
company’s financial statements. He said his company, Dabwali Transport,
grew by acquiring other bus companies, and acknowledged the lower tax
rate helped his business.
The transport minister at the time, Master
Mohan Lal, told the Journal the change was made to improve services.
Sukhbir Singh Badal, who wasn’t in office when the change was made, said
it was designed “so that even the common man can travel in luxury
without paying high rates.”

The number
of air-conditioned buses has since grown, offering fares that are only
slightly higher than ordinary buses, according to transport department
officials. Fares of luxury buses are roughly twice the cost of ordinary
buses.

Since the tax cut, the family’s
business has grown to dominate luxury-bus travel in Punjab, particularly
in Bathinda, which has more than a million residents.

More
than half the permits for luxury and air-conditioned buses granted to
private operators by the regional transport authority statewide—and more
than 90% of those in Bathinda—belong to two transportation companies
owned by the family, according to government documents, and a third
company, Taj Travels, which is owned by a man who is a director in hotel
and real-estate companies also controlled by the family.

Sukhbir
Singh Badal’s declared assets have grown to more than 1 billion rupees,
or about $16 million, from 130 million rupees, about $2.1 million, in
2004, according to documents filed to India’s election commission. In
2009, his wife won a seat in the national Parliament.

Indian
government guidelines require ministers to fully disclose business
interests and step away from management after taking office. The
guidelines also say ministers must divest themselves of all interests in
businesses that supply goods or services to the government or rely on
official permits or licenses. In states, chief ministers are charged
with making sure the guidelines are met but, according to an official in
the home ministry, the guidelines are rarely followed.

The
elder Mr. Badal, in a written response to the Journal, said he doesn’t
take an active role in any family related business. If family businesses
have grown, he wrote, “it is only a part of the success story of all
Punjabis over the past 60 years.” After another re-election in 2012, Mr.
Badal’s term goes to 2017.

In 2008, two
months after Mr. Badal’s 80th birthday, party delegates elected Sukhbir
Singh Badal as party president to succeed his father. Mr. Badal said
his son was promoted for helping return the party to power.

A
year later, Mr. Badal appointed his son as deputy chief minister.
Sukhbir Singh Badal, who has a master’s degree in management from
California State University, Los Angeles, had previously served in
India’s national Parliament. He was later voted into the state
legislative assembly, a requirement for deputy chief minister.

Mr.
Badal said “it was natural” to give his son the job because of support
from voters and the party. Sukhbir Singh Badal said his father “wanted
me to take over, to share his responsibilities.” He also didn’t want to
abandon hundreds of thousands of party workers who feel more secure
under the Badals’ leadership, he said.

Mr. Badal’s daughter, Parneet Kaur, has also prospered during her father’s time as chief minister.

From
2009 to 2013, state-owned power enterprises awarded contracts valued at
3.9 billion rupees, about $64 million, to consortia that included a
company majority-owned by Ms. Kaur, her husband and her mother-in-law,
documents show. The contracts were first reported by the Tribune, a
regional newspaper, and viewed by the Journal, which verified them with
the Punjab State Power Corp.

Mr. Badal,
Ms. Kaur’s father, chairs the state’s power department, and Ms. Kaur’s
husband, Adesh Partap Kairon, works as Mr. Badal’s minister for food
supply and information technology.

Sukhbir
Singh Badal sought to revitalize Punjab’s power sector through policy
directives that resulted in bids for a government contract to install
and upgrade electrical infrastructure. A 2.3 billion rupee deal, or
about $38 million, was awarded a year ago to a team of three companies
that included Shivalik Telecom Ltd., which manufactures and installs
electrical infrastructure, and is owned by Ms. Kaur and her relatives.

Ms.
Kaur’s declared assets grew to $2.7 million in 2012 from less than
$800,000 in 2007. Ms. Kaur and her husband didn’t respond to requests to
comment.

“We have never favored any
company,” said K.D. Chaudhri, chairman of the Punjab State Power Corp.
The bids were judged on well-defined criteria, including technical
expertise, and the contract awarded to the lowest bidder, he said. He
didn’t identify the companies in contention.

Mr.
Bains, spokesman for Mr. Badal, the chief minister, said, “No law, or
even established rules of propriety have been violated, nor has there
been undue favor,” in contracts awarded to Shivalik Telecom.

The
Badals have also expanded their media interests. In 2006, they started a
local TV company with a 24-hour news channel, PTC News, which has
become one of the most popular in the state, according to residents.

Local
journalists say they also believe the family has tried to squeeze out
competition through close ties with Fastway Transmissions, which handles
the technical work of transmitting programs.

Fastway
and two other companies control about 85% of the market, according to
the Competition Commission of India, a national government watchdog
agency. All three companies are co-owned by a man with close ties to the
Badal family.

Punjabi journalist
Kanwar Sandhu said he and his backers decided to launch their own news
channel, Day and Night News, in 2009. They hired Fastway and the two
other companies to broadcast the channel.
The
program would be disrupted during the broadcast of news critical of the
government, Mr. Sandhu said, with the sound sometimes overlaid with the
audio track of cartoon shows.

Within
seven months, Fastway and the two other companies terminated their
contracts with Day and Night News, and the channel was taken off the
air. Fastway said the disruptions were caused by technical problems, and
the agreements severed for commercial reasons.

The
company that owns Day and Night News complained to the competition
commission, saying Fastway was establishing a monopoly and abusing its
position. In its complaint, the company alleged Gurdeep Singh, who had
ownership stakes in all three TV transmission firms, was “closely
affiliated” with the ruling establishment of Punjab.

Mr.
Singh has bought and sold buses from Badal-controlled transit
companies, according to Mr. Singh and public records. He has also done
work for the family’s political party, according to two party members
and two other people familiar with the matter.

A
person with firsthand knowledge of the formation of Fastway in 2007
said Sukhbir Singh Badal helped set up the firm and asked Mr. Singh to
run it. Mr. Singh said he knows Mr. Badal, but wasn’t influenced by him
or the Punjab government. Mr. Badal said he knows Mr. Singh, but denied
any connection with Fastway.

A probe
ordered by the competition commission found in 2012 that Fastway and the
two other companies had snapped up a number of smaller companies and
“eliminated free and fair competition” in Punjab, amassing more than
four million subscribers, leaving its next biggest competitors no more
than 10,000.
The commission’s
investigation also found the disruptions of Day and Night News were
frequent and deliberate. The body ordered Fastway and the two other
companies to pay a fine of 80 million rupees. A lawyer for Fastway and
the other two companies said he has filed an appeal.

The commission’s report didn’t address any alleged ties between Mr. Gurdeep and the Badals.

For
the family, it is business as usual. Billboard images across the state
show chief minister Parkash Singh Badal; his son, Sukhbir Singh Badal;
and Sukhbir’s brother-in-law, Bikram Singh Majithia. Official cards that
entitle Punjabis to subsidized grain bear the photographs of the chief
minister and his son-in-law, Adesh Partap Kairon, who is the minister of
food supply. An oval cutout of Mr. Badal’s face was added to the
baskets of thousands of free bicycles given to female students.

At
a recent rally in Amritsar, Gurudev Singh, 35 years old, said he was
voting for the coalition run by the Badal family’s party for a national
Parliament seat in the current election. “I come from a family of
shopkeepers,” he said. “Their career is politics. It’s a one-family
rule, yes, but that’s how politics works in India.”

……
Link: http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702303417104579544033543762254
……
regards

Sikhs (15th Ludhiana infantry) save Sahibs

In all the talk we hear about how advantageous it was for India to have been a British colony (no one doubts that) we never hear how Britain benefited enormously from having an Indian colony- as it marched to victory in the World Wars on the back of Indian soldiers. There will be no reparations but even a few words of gratitude (and a few paragraphs in British history books) is still better than nothing.

….

An
Indian soldier, immortalized by his act of selfless heroism and valor
while fighting for the British armed forces in World War I has come in
for heavy praise from UK Prime Minister David Cameron.

Cameron
has also floated the proposal that British children must be taught “in
the years to come about the role that the 1.2 million soldiers from the
Indian subcontinent played in World War I”.


The soldier Cameron
was referring to was Manta Singh, who served with the 15th Ludhiana
Sikhs, an infantry regiment of the Indian Army who was seriously injured
during the Battle of Neuve Chapelle in March 1915 – one that saw a
large number of casualties for the Indian Army – over 4000 in just three
days.

During the battle, Manta Singh witnessed an English
comrade Captain Henderson who had suffered. Singh himself was hit by
machine gunfire in his left leg but that didn’t stop him from rescuing
his fellow officer Captain Henderson. Manta pushed him to safety in a
wheelbarrow he found in no-man’s land.

Singh and his wounded
comrades were later shipped to Brighton’s Royal Pavilion which was
turned into a hospital for Indian soldiers. Here, his wounds
became infected with gangrene. He was told his legs would have to be
amputated to save his life, a thought which filled him with despair. He died from blood poisoning a few weeks later.

Remembering the soldier, Cameron said “This year, as we commemorate the
100th anniversary of WW1, it is also perhaps worth saying something
specific about how British Sikhs have served in our armed forces with so
much devotion, bravery and courage over so many years”.

Cameron added “Stories like that of Manta Singh, who fought at The
Battle of Neuve Chapelle, that massive battle on the Western Front in
1915, and when his English colleague was wounded alongside him, he
picked him up, carried him, took him to the dressing station while being
wounded himself, and then sadly, tragically died afterwards. Stories of
heroism, stories of valor – the Sikhs have always had this
extraordinary courage and bravery, and it’s been demonstrated so often
in the British Armed Forces”.

Interestingly Manta Singh and the
injured man he rescued, Captain Henderson, had become firm friends as
well as brothers in arms.

When Manta Singh died, Henderson
ensured that Singh’s son Assa, was taken care of. He encouraged him to
join the Sikh Regiment too. Throughout the Second World War, Assa Singh
and Henderson’s son, Robert served together, in France, Italy and North
Africa.

To this day, the Singh and Henderson families remain close friends.

Assa and Robert have passed away but their sons Jaimal and Ian are in regular contact.

Singh was born in 1870 near Jalandhar and as soon as he left school he joined the 15th Ludhiana Sikhs.

At the start of WW1, the regiment was sent to reinforce the British
Expeditionary Force fighting in France. By late autumn of 1914, one in
every three soldiers under British command in France was from India.
After long months of trench warfare, in March 1915, Manta Singh’s
regiment prepared to engage in the first major British offensive on the
Western Front, the Battle of Neuve-Chapelle. Half of the Commonwealth fighting force, 20,000 men were Indian Army soldiers.

General John French, commander-in-chief of the BEF in France at this
time, planned to take the village of Neuve-Chapelle, which formed a
German salient (bulge) in the British line.

On March 10, four
divisions, comprising 40,000 men, gathered on a sector of the front
which was only three kilometres wide. The infantry attack was preceded
by heavy but concentrated shelling from 342 guns. In 35 minutes, the
bombardment consumed more shells than the British Army used in the whole
of the Boer War 15 years earlier.

While the British and the
Indian Corps advanced rapidly through the lightly-defended village, the
Garhwal Rifles suffered heavy losses as they attacked a part of the
German line left untouched by the bombardment.

After an initial
success, in a matter of hours, the British became paralyzed by poor
communications and a lack of munitions, and their advance ground to a
halt.

It was in this chaotic field of battle that the 15th Ludhiana Sikhs fought.

Records say “Fighting ceased on March 13 with British gains limited to
an area two kilometres deep and three kilometres wide for a loss of
7,000 British and 4,200 Indian soldiers, either killed or wounded. The
Germans suffered similar losses and 1,700 of their soldiers had been
taken prisoner”.

….

regards

the 14th Ferozepur Sikh regiment…and some others

Continuing the tradition of posting Dr Hamid Hussain’s occasional emails about Indian military history (and very sad at having lost the previous posts that were in the old Brown Pundits):

Dear All;
A good friend from India asked questions about details of 14 Sikhs in WWI and role of Indian Medical Service (IMS); not much written about IMS.  There were some other questions about Sikh recruitment in British Indian army especially caste issue.  Following piece was consolidation of answers of these queries.  My digging of military archeology is only for those interested in history.  I personally have a lot of fun doing this though quite tiring.  
Hamid
14th Ferozepore Sikhs
Hamid Hussain
14th Ferozepore Sikhs was raised in 1846 after First Anglo-Sikh War from demobilized soldiers of Sikh army.  It was raised by Captain G. Tebbs and recruits came mainly from cis-Sutlej area.  Regiment recruited local Sikhs and Punjabi Muslims.  Initially, Oudh Rajputs from other regiments were posted to the regiment.  In 1852, Tebbs died and Captain T. E. Colebrooke took command.  In 1857 Mutiny, regiment was in Mirzapur.  Few days before the uprising about four hundred men under the dynamic command of Lieutenant Jeremiah Brasyer were sent to Allahabad and few days later they were instrumental in saving the fort.  Brasyer was the founding father of the regiment.  He spoke Punjabi and in 1846, he toured cis-Sutlej area and was instrumental in encouraging Sikhs to join the new regiment.  He was an amazing character.  He was a gardener and enlisted in Bengal artillery.  Few years later he was appointed Sergeant Major of 26th Bengal Native Infantry.  He fought in First Anglo-Afghan War of 1842 and First Anglo-Sikh War of 1846.   He was given commission and appointed Ensign at the age of thirty-three and served as interpreter during the raising of 14th Ferozepore Sikhs.  The regiment was later known by his name as Brasyer’s Sikhs. 
During mutiny, with the breakdown of general order, soldiers of 14th Ferozepore Sikhs got hold of all the liquor from cantonment and city of Allahabad.  They periodically got drunk and discipline was seriously compromised.  British position was still precarious and they have to act tactfully.  They bought all the liquor from Sikhs at asking price and later transferred them from the fort to a nearby building.  During Mutiny, regiment joined Henry Havelock’s relief of Cawnpore and Lucknow. In the hot weather, soldiers discarded their regular uniform and donned red turbans.  British officers including their commander Brasyer also wore red turbans.  In honor of this service, regiment was allowed to wear red turbans and later the whole Sikh regiment adopted the red turban; a tradition still continued in Sikh regiment of Indian army. 

Regiment participated in many expeditions on North West Frontier.  In 1863 Ambela Expedition, regiment under the command of Major Ross and Subedar Major Sikandar Khan participated in some sanguine battles.  In 1877, regiment participated in Jowaki Expedition operating in Bori valley.  In 1878, regiment participated in Second Anglo-Afghan War under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Williams.  Regiment was decimated not by enemy fire but by an epidemic of typhoid fever killing 200 men.  In 1881, regiment participated in Waziristan operation.  In 1884, Lieutenant Colonel George Nicholas Channer V.C. took command of the regiment.  He was originally from 1st Gurkha Rifles.  Channer family had long association with Indian army and especially Sikhs.  His father Colonel George Girdwood Channer served with Bengal Artillery.  His brother Colonel Bernard Channer DSO served with 2nd Native Infantry and Rajput Light Infantry.  Bernard’s three sons served in Indian army.  Guy Channer DSO served with 14th Sikhs and commanded the battalion in 1918, Bernard Gordon with 54th Sikhs (later 4/12 Frontier Force Regiment and now 6 Frontier Force Regiment of Pakistan army) and Keith Francis with 30th Jacob’s Horse.  In 1888, regiment fought in Black Mountain expedition under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Ellis, Chitral expedition in 1895, Tochi Field Force in 1897 and went to China in 1900 during Boxer rebellion. 
In 1866, Punjabi Muslims were phased out and regiment became a single class regiment of Sikhs.  It is important to understand Sikh recruitment in British Indian army.  Sikh religious and social transformation in nineteenth century resulted in retreat of Khatri and rise of Jat Sikhs.  There is no caste system in Sikh religious doctrine and all are considered equal.  However, in reality there existed a clear class hierarchy in descending order of Jat, Khatri, Arora, Lobana, Ramgarhia and Ahluwalia.  Jats were sitting on the top of the pyramid and didn’t mingle with other classes.  British had to consider this during recruitment therefore only Jat Sikhs were recruited for single class regiments as well as class companies.  Other Sikh castes were recruited in separate regiments. 
Lobana Sikhs were recruited mainly in pioneer regiments (48th Pioneers) as well as some Punjab regiments.  British policy of insisting on strict adherence to Sikh religious code for its military recruits resulted in solidification of Sikh identity.  This also helped in significant conversion of Lobana Hindus to Sikhism with resultant marked reduction of Lobana Hindus in Punjab.  Twin benefits of military service and allotment of agricultural lands helped in upward social mobility of Lobanas.  Due to their first class performance in First World War, in 1922 reorganization, it was decided to have at least one company of Lobana Sikhs in each pioneer battalion.  In 1932, when pioneer regiments were disbanded, Lobana Sikhs were recruited in mountain batteries of artillery as well as constituting machine gun platoons of some infantry regiments.  Some Lobanas from disbanded pioneer regiments were transferred to Bengal and Bombay Sappers & Miners. 
Low caste Sikhs called Mazhabi and Ramdasia (M & R) Sikhs were at the bottom ring of the social ladder and they also looked towards army for upward social mobility.  They were mainly recruited in 23rd, 32nd and 34thPioneers.  A very small number served with Royal Bombay Sappers & Miners.  Pioneers were a specialized infantry that was extremely useful in frontier expeditions.  34th Pioneers earned the ‘Royal’ title for their stellar performance in First World War.  In 1932, when pioneer regiments were disbanded, only a very small number of M & R Sikhs remained in army.  About 320 M & R Sikhs were transferred to Bengal and Bombay Sappers & Miners.  Initially, all Sikhs were mixed in Sappers & Miners regiments but problems between high and low caste Sikhs especially the tricky issue of M & R Sikhs attending Jat Gurdwaras of the regiments resulted in segregation.  All Jat Sikhs went to Bengal Sappers & Miners while Lobana and M & R Sikhs to Bombay Sappers & Miners. 
In Second World War Mazhabi & Ramdasia (M & R) Regiment was re-raised from elements of earlier disbanded pioneer regiments.  Several old British officers of disbanded pioneer regiments were instrumental in raising M & R regiment.  1st M & R regiment was raised in Jullundur in October 1941 by Lieutenant Colonel C. H. Price.  Price was from 32nd Pioneers and after disbandment went to 2/12 Frontier Force Regiment.  Second in Command Major E. P. F. Pearse was from 34th Pioneers and had gone to 3/2 Punjab Regiment.  Subedar Major Jewan Singh was from 32nd Pioneers.  9/15 Punjab Regiment and 7/17 Dogra Regiment provided initial lot of native officers and other ranks for the raising of the regiment.  1st M & R fought in Burma theatre.  Later two more M & R battalions and some garrison companies were raised.  M & R Regiment was later re-named Sikh Light Infantry (SLI). 
In First World War, 14th Sikhs served in Gallipoli and Mesopotamian theatres where battalion suffered heavy casualties. In Gallipoli, 14th Sikhs was part of 29th Indian Brigade (other battalions were 69th and 89th Punjabis and 1/6th Gurkha Rifles).  Lieutenant Colonel Philip C. Palin was CO, Lieutenant Cremen Adjutant, Lieutenant Meade Quarter Master and Lieutenant Matthew Machine Gun Officer.  Indian officers included Subedar Major Jaswant Singh and Subedars Thakur Singh, Prem Singh and Kartar Singh.  Battalion’s Medical Officer was Cursetjee and sweeper Channi. Battalion suffered heavy casualties in the Third Battle of Krithia in June 1915 with over three hundred and seventy killed and wounded.  At one time, all officers were killed and wounded and only Second Lieutenant Reginald Arthur Savory remained unscathed and took temporary command of the battalion (he was wounded later and at Lt. Colonel rank commanded the battalion by then renamed 1/11 Sikhs and retired as Lieutenant General).  Battalion was reinforced with two double companies of Patiala Imperial Service Infantry, drafts from India and from other Punjabi regimens and Burma police battalions.  Battalion earned the distinction of winning 35 Indian Distinguished Service Medals (IDSMs) in Gallipoli campaign. 
In Mesopotamia, battalion guarded line of communications of I Corps and served with 51st Brigade. Commanding Officer was Lieutenant Colonel Earle and Subedar Major Sham Singh.  They were succeeded by Major Guy Channer and Subedar Major Narain Singh.  Battalion suffered 61 killed in action and 250 wounded.  Among the wounded was Captain George Francis Bunbury whose father Lieutenant Colonel W. E. Bunbury (originally from 28th Punjabis) had commanded the battalion from 1902-6.  Influenza epidemic decimated the battalion killing 300 men; a de ja vu of 1878 when Typhoid fever took more toll than enemy’s bullets.  Battalion has a unique distinction of having winners of gallantry awards even among its medical officers.  Battalion’s Medical Officer Captain Cursetjee won a DSO while Sub Assistant Surgeon Bhagwan Singh won Indian Order of Merit (IOM) in Mesopotemia.  Heerajee Jehangir Manockjee Cursetjee was awarded DSO in 1918 for gallantry and devotion to service when he attended to wounded soldiers despite being wounded himself.  He retired as Major General.
Indian Medical Service (IMS) was the first branch of Indian army that opened its doors to Indians as King Commissioned Officers.  One the eve of First World War, many Indian officers were serving with IMS.  In addition to Cursetjee, two other IMS officers; Captain (later Colonel) Phirozshah Byramji Bharucha and Captain (later Lieutenant Colonel) Nilkanth Shriram Jatar also won DSO in Great War.  Jatar is the most decorated IMS officer.  He won his first DSO in June 1917 in Mesopotamia when serving as medical officer of 16 Cavalry.  He won bar to DSO during Waziristan operation in 1920 when serving as medical officer of 2/76th Punjabis.  He was severely wounded at Kotkai (in 2008 Pakistan army fought battle at the same location.  In fact, Pakistan army and paramilitary scouts fought many battles with militants at almost all previous battlefields of frontier warfare a century ago) during the withdrawal and lost his leg.  IMS officers introduced their young children to military life and children of many of these pioneer officers of IMS joined Indian army.  Jatar’s three sons joined armed forces; Major General Sudhir Jatar, Brigadier Arvind Jatar (Central India Horse) and Air Vice Marshal Jairam Jatar. Children of another IMS officer Lieutenant Colonel Mohamed Abdur Rahman also opted for army after their education in England.  Atiq ur Rahman ‘Turk’ joined 4/12 Frontier Force Regiment, opted for Pakistan in 1947 and became Lieutenant General in Pakistan army.  Turk’s brother Attaur Rahman after serving with a Frontier Force Regiment battalion joined Indian Foreign Service.  He decided to stay in India and served as Indian ambassador to several countries.
 In 1922 reorganization, 14th Ferozepore Sikhs was designated Ist Battalion of 11th Sikh Regiment.  Ist, 2nd and 3rd battalions of 11th Sikh Regiment were single class Jat Sikh battalions while 4th, 5th and 10th battalions were composed of two Jat Sikh and two Punjabi Muslim companies.  In 1945, Naik Nand Singh of 1/11 Sikh Regiment won Victoria Cross (VC) in Burma.
In 1947, Indian army was divided between India and Pakistan.  Most battalions were composed of class companies or squadrons and they were exchanged between two countries.  Ist Battalion of Ist Punjab Regiment was assigned to Pakistan and it consisted of Sikh A Company, Hazarawal Muslims B company, Punjabi Muslims C Company and Rajput D Company.  Sikh and Rajput companies of the battalion went to India.  Sikh A company was assigned to 1/11 Sikh then stationed at Gurgaon.  In the terrible times of communal hatred when Muslims and Sikhs were killing each other, it is amazing to note that the regimental bond was still vibrant and solid as a rock.  Former Commanding Officer of 1/1 Punjab Colonel Sher Ali Khan Pataudi was in Delhi waiting to go to Pakistan to join Pakistan army.  Battalion’s former Subedar Major Feroz Khan was also in Delhi.  When they came to know that the Sikh company of 1/1 Punjab was in Gurgaon in the process of joining 1/11 Sikh, they decided to visit their former comrades.  While their fellow co-religionists were killing each other Pataudi and Feroz were entertained by Sikhs of 1/1 Punjab with the farewell dinner and karha parsad (a sweet offering to visitors as a sign of hospitality) and many wet eyes.
 1/11 Sikh played crucial role in securing Kashmir for India in 1947-48.  Pakistani tribesmen and some regular troops had captured the town of Baramula and were on the doorsteps of Srinagar.   On October 26, Indian leaders decided to send Indian troops to Kashmir.  1/11 Sikh was the first battalion air lifted to Kashmir.  Commanding Officer Lieutenant Colonel Dewan Ranjit Rai was informed to bring his troops to Palam air filed in Delhi for air lift on early morning October 27.  Two companies of the battalion were on internal security duties.  Rai took C and D companies along with battalion headquarters with instructions that remaining two companies follow later.  Rai had no idea about the task and at the airfield he was given operational orders.  Ground situation was very fluid with very limited information and no one even knew the extent of Pakistani advance.  Rai was instructed to land at Srinagar airport and secure the airfield.  In case, there was no response from Srinagar tower or if it had already fallen, then he was to go to Jammu and grab any kind of transport and try to go as close to Srinagar by road. 
On landing at Srinagar, Rai sent C company under the command of Captain Karamjit Singh towards Baramula and it reached Mile 32.  D Company under Major Harwant Singh did a flag march in Srinagar and then sent reinforcement to C company.  Rai had no communication with his troops as the plane carrying battalion’s signal platoon developed a problem and had to divert to Jammu (signal platoon joined three days later).  Faced with this dilemma, Rai decided to join his forward troops.  At Mile 32, tribesmen failing to dislodge the Sikhs outflanked them and tried to cut off their rear.  Rai arranged for the extrication of his troops and was killed in action.  Major Harwant Singh took temporary command and later Colonel (later Lieutenant General) Harbkhash Singh (originally from 5/11 Sikhs) took command of the battalion.  Rai was a firs rate officer originally commissioned in 5/11 Sikhs.  He was from the Pakistani town of Gujranwala.  His grandson Shivjit Shergill and great grandson Fareed Shergill served in Indian armored corps (Central India Horse).
 In December 1947, battalion lost its Victoria Cross (VC) winner Jamadar Nand Singh in Kashmir.  His body was never found.  He was awarded Maha Vir Chakra (MVC) posthumously making him the most decorated soldier of Indian army.  1 Sikh was instrumental in saving Srinagar for India and rightfully earned 59 gallantry awards.  Their valor was acknowledged by declaring October 27 as ‘Infantry Day’ for Indian army.  In 1962 Indo-China war, 1 Sikh fought in Towang sector.  Battalion had over 170 casualties including 132 killed in action.  Among the dead included their Commanding Officer (CO) Lieutenant Colonel B. N. Mehta and Subedar Jogindar Singh.  In 1965 Indo-Pakistan war, 1 Sikh was in Titwal sector of Kashmir and involved in some minor operations. 
In 1979, Mechanized Infantry Regiment was raised and many old infantry battalions were converted to mechanized infantry and allotted new numbers.  1 Sikh became 4th Mechanized Infantry regiment.  Mechanized Infantry regiments are mixed class and 1 Sikh lost its all Sikh character on its re-incarnation as 4th Mechanized Infantry.  1 Sikh traded its red turban for black beret in transformation to 4th Mechanized Infantry regiment; however it is carrying on 170 years of traditions. 
Notes:
–        The 14th, King George’s Own Sikhs : the 1st Battalion (K.G.O.) (Ferozepore Sikhs), the 11th Sikh Regiment, 1846-1933 by Colonel F.E.G. Talbot, 1937
–        1st King George V’s Own Battalion, the Sikh Regiment. The 14th King George’s Own Ferozepore Sikhs. 1846-1946 by Lieutenant-General P. G. Bamford, 1948
–        M & R: A Regimental History of the Sikh Light Infantry 1941-1947 by J. D. Hookway. 
–        The Sikh Regiment by D. S. Sandhu, http://www.bharat-rakshak.com/MONITOR/ISSUE3-6/sandhu.html
–        The Story of Soldiering and Politics in India and Pakistan by Major General Sher Ali Khan Pataudi, 1978
Hamid Hussain
February 28, 2014

Sikh-Baha’i nuptials go (semi) viral

Raja Harmeet Singh: https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10200840163961145&set=a.3301275465467.108443.1675351134&type=1&theater

Wedding of my niece Sahar Haghighat with Donesh Anwari in Jaipur — with Aastha HaghighatHarmeet SinghDonesh AnwariFarnaz ParastMona HaghighatSahar Haghighat AnwariGurpreet KaurArsheen KaurShekoofeh Moghaddas, Er Tarandeep Singh, Japjot Singh, Ash Mass Moghaddas, Soolmaz Haghighat, Shide MoghaddasHaleh Nabiollahi and Siavash Haghighat.

It seems the Sikh side is also Baha’i(esque) since Mr. Harmeet Singh has the Shrine of Baha’u’llah as his cover profile. It’s a nice glimpse into a Baha’i future, the different peoples of the world (or in this case North India- Iranis) clustered together under the symbol of the Greatest Name (the 100th Hidden Name of God), Baha’.

Institutional Racism affects Sikh Marathon Runner

http://espn.go.com/espn/story/_/page/Fauja-Singh/fauja-singh-runner

Fauja agreed to run the London Marathon again the next spring. He ran his third-fastest time ever, 6:07. He was back. Now Haramander approached Fauja with another proposal. “You’ve already set every marathon record you possibly can. There’s only one left to break, the record for the oldest marathoner ever.” At the time, that record was held by Dimitrion Yordanidis, who ran the original marathon course, from Marathon, Greece, to Athens, in 1976. Yordanidis had been 98. Fauja was 93. “You can’t break that record now,” Harmander said. “All you can do is wait.”
So Fauja waited, running shorter races to fill his time. Then, in April 2011, his 100th birthday arrived, and with it, an opportunity to break the record. Soon he received an invitation from the Toronto Waterfront Marathon, where years ago Fauja had run his fastest time. He accepted.
The race was set for October. In September, Harmander received an email from Vin Sharma, a London-based Global Talent Manager at Guinness. “What would be great,” Sharma wrote, “is to start by acknowledging ‘Oldest Marathon Runner’ title which rightfully belongs to Fauja-ji.” (Ji is an honorific suffix used in Indian languages.)
“He’d used running to pull himself out of the depression he fell into after his son died. What was he going to do without it? ”

– Harmander Singh

The email from Sharma continued: “Birth certificate or passport to verify his age would also be useful.” Fauja, of course, did not have a birth certificate. But he did have a passport. He’d gotten his first when he visited his children abroad, decades prior. On that passport, and on each one he’d received since, there was listed the same date of birth: April 1, 1911.
Sharma attached a document with official guidelines for the record. “Where a birth certificate is not available,” it said, “a copy of a relevant ID should be submitted.”
They submitted the documents, and weeks later they flew to Toronto. Fauja finished in 8:25. In his mind, and in the minds of everyone present at the race, Fauja had done what no man had done before.
“100-YEAR-OLD MARATHON RUNNER not recognised by Guinness,” read the BBC News headline after the event. In an interview with the network, Guinness editor-in-chief Craig Glenday said, “We would love to give him the record. We’d love to say this is a true Guinness World Record, but the problem is there is just no evidence.”
By no evidence, Glenday meant that there was no birth certificate. “We can only accept official birth documents created in the year of the birth,” Glenday told the BBC. “Anything else is really not very useful to us.” In September, a Guinness representative had sent guidelines suggesting a passport would be sufficient. Now in October, the company said only a birth certificate would do. It didn’t matter that Fauja had received his first passport before he began running, negating any significant possibility of a plot to break the record. Nor did it matter what the Guinness official had told Harmander.

Cara Kilbey, Fauja Singh, Billi Mucklow and their friend Lulu pose for a photo during the London Marathon in April 2012.

Christopher Lee/Getty Images

“This is a case of institutional racism,” Harmander said, after learning of the news. The thinking was simple. Guinness had decided its age records could be held only by people with birth certificates. The vast majority of people with birth certificates in the early 20th century came from Europe or North America. Fauja could not have the record. And for that matter, neither could most anyone else from Asia or Africa or other parts of the developing world.
Now came the follow-up stories. “Marathon man Fauja Singh runs into racism row,” said the headline in London’s conservative paper, The Daily Telegraph. Members of the Sikh community, both at home in Punjab and across the diaspora, signed a petition and set the Internet aflame with angry comments. “BROWN PEOPLE OF TUMBLR,” one person wrote on the popular blogging platform about Singh, “I SUMMON YOU TO RIGHT THE WRONGS. TO BRING JUSTICE TO THE INJUSTICES.”
Yet it would do no good. Guinness remained firm. “Passports may be used as proof of identification, NOT of birth. …” Guinness spokeswoman Jamie Panas wrote to ESPN The Magazine in an email. ” … Passports and other mid-to-late-life representations of age are notoriously unreliable when unaccompanied by original proofs of birth.” Panas emphasized that Guinness never guaranteed that a passport would be sufficient. She also said that Sharma, the Guinness talent manager who advised Harmander, is no longer with the company. Sharma could not be reached for comment. His personal website says he left Guinness at some point last year.
Brown Pundits