Tag: Kashmir
Open Thread – Brutal clampdown, protesters shot in Kashmir (Pak administered)
The ‘K’ word serves as a lightning rod in any discussions involving Indians and Pakistanis. And the BP space is no different. That there are diametrically opposing views, fiercely dug in, is an understatement.
Over the past few days, the portion of J&K that came under Pakistani suzerainty after the ‘tribal’ invasion of 1948, has seen massive political protests that have led to violence and deaths of civilians. This isn’t the first time for such incidents in what Pakistani refers to as “Azaad” (free) Kashmir. The old Pakistani playbook of deploying military force, banning political organizations, and media blackout has been deployed once again. This time however, ‘feels different’ somehow. It has become increasingly difficult for totalitarian states to execute media clampdowns in the social media age, and videos and information are steadily streaming out of Rawalkot, Muzaffarabad and elsewhere.
I would hope that this open thread stays away from the always contentious circular ‘debates’ on whether India/Pakistan are the ‘rightful owners’ of Kashmir, and focuses on the specifics of the ongoing protests instead.
Why is that over the last decade or so, such repeated outbreaks of protests show up repeatedly, often swiftly followed with brutal state clampdowns. I think its reasonably fair to say that a strong majority of the residents of Pak-administered Kashmir were and continue to be, willing subjects of Pakistan. What then, is triggering such unrest, repeatedly?
India’s Wealth will not turn Pakistan into East Germany
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The Comment thread is afire with the usual (and senseless) India-Pakistan arguments (essentially which of the two is poorer). Q waves the whole question away by pointing at the figure, unimpressed by “an average Indian producing only $2,800 in GDP every year,” and asks what the point even is. There is a point, two in fact.
First: per capita and scale measure different things. Per capita describes the life of a citizen. Scale describes the weight of a state. A single integrated market of 1.4 billion people generates agglomeration, economies of scale, and a pull on capital and talent that no small rich economy can match (India’s ascent in the world of cricket is an extremely interesting meditation). That is why India passed Japan in 2025 to become the world’s fourth-largest economy, why it is the fastest-growing major one, and why it is on course to take third from Germany by around 2028. The market no exporter can ignore, the trade terms a four-trillion-dollar base can lean on, the air defence and roads it can fund: that is concrete power, and it is not nothing. Much of the gain is siphoned by a clutch of oligarchic houses, but the dynamism is real.
Second: however that same wealth does not buy what BB imagines it buys. India outweighs Pakistan in GDP by something close to eleven to one. It has still not turned Pakistan into its East Germany, a dependent satellite drawn quietly into its orbit and, in time, absorbed. Pakistan remains sovereign, armed, and unbought. Pakistanis are not running across the Punjabi wall to their ethnic kin.
In May 2025, after Pahalgam, the larger economy did not dictate terms: Operation Sindoor ended not in surrender but in a ceasefire announced, awkwardly, from Washington, with both capitals claiming the win.
Look West. Iran is a fraction of the wealth of the United States and Israel, yet it has absorbed the most advanced air forces on earth, kept its regime, and kept the knowledge to rebuild what was struck. The guns fell silent at a ceasefire, not a capitulation. Wealth buys reach. It does not buy outcomes.
BB treats the GDP gap as a deed of ownership over Kashmir, and assumes Kashmiris will swallow their pride for a higher income per head, that prosperity purchases consent. It misreads the Islamicate moral economy entirely. In that ledger ‘Izzat and Deen, dignity and faith, are not line items to be outbid. The Hyderabadi Harvard PhD still sings the song of his lost people.
Peoples who set independence above comfort have done so across the whole anti-colonial century, and no balance sheet has ever talked them out of it. Money may buy luxury but not loyalty.
What price will any Indian or Pakistani nationalist accept for their love and loyalty to their homeland?
Bin Qasim’s Thousand-Year Wound
There is one fault line under everything that happens here, and it is old. Pakistan stands, whether it wishes to or not, as the proxy for the Muslims of the subcontinent, and India as the proxy for its non-Muslims. This is not a quarrel of the last election or the last war. It is a wound more than a thousand years old, set running when Muhammad bin Qasim landed in Sindh in 711, and it has been arguing with itself in the subcontinental subconscious ever since. Every thread on this site is a small, late episode of that argument.
There is a scene in The Devil Wears Prada, the cerulean one, where a colour chosen by Miranda Priestly (Meryl Streep) at the summit of fashion is followed down the seasons, runway to department store to clearance bin, until Andy (Anne Hathaway), who fishes it out is sure her choice owed nothing to any of it.
The subcontinent’s argument works the same way. Bin Qasim’s landing in 711 was a decision taken at the top of history, and it has filtered down through thirteen centuries of conquest, doctrine and memory into a comment thread, where two strangers swapping insults are certain the quarrel is about this week. It is not. It was chosen for them a thousand years ago, and they are wearing it without knowing the name of the colour.
What is new is that the argument is going quiet, and quiet is worse than loud. The subcontinent is partitioning itself a second time, in the mind. Indians increasingly talk only to Indians, Pakistanis only to Pakistanis, each inside a feed built to agree with them. The 1947 line cut the map; the algorithm is cutting the conversation. Against that, the value of Brown Pundits is simple and almost embarrassing to state. It is one of the few open places left where the two sides still argue with each other in public and mean it. That is worth defending even when the argument is ugly, because the alternative is not a calmer argument. It is no argument, and two rooms that never open the door.
Is BP sui generis on the Internet?
The Ministry of Utmost Happiness: A Look into the Underbelly of Modern India
Since we are being encouraged to look at the seamy side of each other’s societies (see BB’s post on child sex abuse among British Pakistanis), I am sharing this review of Arundhati Roy’s novel The Ministry of Utmost Happiness. Ms. Roy is one of India’s greatest public intellectuals.
Also see my review of her memoir Mother Mary Comes to Me.
Ever since The God of Small Things was published to great acclaim in 1997, Arundhati Roy’s fans have been eagerly awaiting her next novel. It was a long wait—two decades—as Roy transitioned from being a novelist to being an activist and a non-fiction writer. Now, the wait has finally ended with the publication of The Ministry of Utmost Happiness.
The novel focuses on several characters, most of whom are outcasts from the new rising India. They include a hijra named Anjum, a Kashmiri separatist (or freedom fighter) named Musa and Tilottama, the Malayali woman who loves him. Over the course of the novel, these disparate characters encounter one another and their stories intersect, sometimes in surprising ways. Continue reading The Ministry of Utmost Happiness: A Look into the Underbelly of Modern India
The Prussia of the Ummah
Why Munir’s Compromise May Hold
“Pahalgam took place because the PTI anti-military agitation had genuinely shaken the ‘roots’ of Pakistani military’s unquestioned supremacy and popularity domestically. Given Munir’s rapid roll up and consolidation of power, field marshal for life, lifetime immunity, constitutional authority beyond his base tenure, for now the cost-benefit equation even for PakMil does not indicate them risking a round 2. But that calculus can and unfortunately likely will change at some point.”
RNJ’s very incisive comment above is correct on the mechanism but rather conservative on the implication. India still runs Pakistan as a state on the verge of dissolution. However the strategic class has long since moved to “durable but dangerous,” but the public conversation has not caught up.
What Munir has built is not a pause before collapse. It is the consolidation of something more durable, the Prussia of the Ummah, governing through a hybrid in which the boiler vents and the bayonet holds.
Munir’s Compromise
Field marshal for life with constitutional immunity removes the standard succession variable in Pakistani politics. Every previous chief was a hostage to his retirement, every handover a season of conspiracy. Munir has now exited that game. The cost was heavy. PTI agitation in 2023 genuinely shook the army’s domestic legitimacy, the May 9 attacks on cantonments were the most serious internal challenge since 1971, and the suppression has been ugly. But the suppression worked. Imran Khan remains popular and remains in prison. PTI remains the largest party by vote share and remains shut out of power. The constitutional system absorbs the grievance into electoral form, which is to say it diffuses the steam without releasing the pressure.
Factional alignment inside GHQ, the perpetual Punjab-Sindh-KP-Balochistan imbalance, elite exhaustion under chronic fiscal stress, the Baluch insurgency, TTP, all remain live. Munir has fixed the variable he could fix. The others he has merely deferred.
The Raj Continued
Gurdaspur and Siliguri: The Two Necks That Held
A precedent post on Pakistan’s self-exile from the subcontinent, and the geography that outlasted it
This is not anti-Pakistan polemic. Pakistan can flourish in the role she has chosen, and may continue to do so (Pakistan’s pivotal role in the US-Iran war is, on any honest reading, a legitimisation win for the current hybrid government)). The point being made here is structural, not personal.
Pakistanis are a subset of the British Raj’s Muslim population. As Punjabis, as inheritors of the Mughal cultural complex (alas one cannot destroy his Masjid and simultaneously claim to be his heir), as native carriers of the Hindustani register that becomes Urdu under one stylisation and Hindi under another, they began with a favoured position inside the subcontinent. They have traded it for a subordinate position inside the wider Muslim world. The internal hierarchies of the Islamicate, where Pakistanis rank against Arabs, Turks, and Persians, are dense and unflattering and deserve their own treatment another day.
The cause of the trade, in the end, is theological. The subcontinent runs on iconographic generosity, painted shrines, sung saints, plural deities, devotional excess. Strict iconophobia cannot live inside that civilization without breaking it. Pakistan chose the stricter line in 1947 and has progressively tightened it since. The Urdu denial, the recent insistence in some Pakistani quarters that Urdu is not really an Indian language, is the cleanest evidence of the opt-out.
Irreducibly Indo-Persian
Continue reading Gurdaspur and Siliguri: The Two Necks That Held
The 1000 Years Frame Erases 80% of India
girmit, high signal as ever as the Comment threads threaten to get engulfed in flames (the Crescentiate are being more provocative than usual). Will return to this properly in a separate post. as an aside when we see girmit, we think Kermit. Probably one of our wises voices in BP.
Indians and their gratitude for Partition
You will be hard pressed to find a normal person in India who doesn’t accept this. If you listen to young people talk they would treat the fact that India-Pakistan were once part of the same polity as some kind of surprising trivia. My point is that, while TNT was used to litigate for partition , and the results of that have been accepted by all parties, the *further* application of TNT will find no takers among liberals. An example would be a statement like “Kashmir should have gone to Pakistan because of having a muslim majority”. There are excellent reasons why one can argue for Kashmir as an independent state in 1947 or even part of Pakistan, that don’t depend on TNT. The foremost being the idea that the process of accession was corrupted somehow. J&K had the same exact right to self-determinaton as Travancore for instance. But the underlying principal is self-determination in the Wilsonian sense i suppose, not TNT. (This goes both ways, as Indians use an imperial logic of their own that a fully intact successor state to the british raj was their entitlement, which is quite outageousely grandiose to be fair).
BJP is a broad tent
US-Iran War
1) Trump says truce expires ‘Wednesday evening Washington time’.
US President Donald Trump has signalled an extension in the ceasefire with Iran, which was set to end on April 21 8pm ET.
He told Bloomberg in a phone interview that the truce expires on “Wednesday evening Washington time”.
But the president also said it’s “highly unlikely that I’d extend it” if no deal is reached before then, the report said.
It seemed that a second round of talks was going to happen. Islamabad’s Red Zone is locked down in anticipation of the arrival of the American delegation. JD Vance was supposedly returning to Islamabad. But the US seizure of an Iran-flagged ship and Iran’s closing of the Strait of Hormuz once again seems to have changed things.
2) Basharat Peer on Kashmir, Haider, Homebound, Iran, Modi, Erdogan & Why Democracies Break
[Note: Basharat Peer’s Curfewed Night is one of the classic books about growing up as a Kashmiri Muslim in Indian-Administered Kashmir in the 1990s.
I’ve met Basharat Peer when he spoke at LUMS some years ago. He signed my copy of his book. ]
3) Remembering Asha Bhosle: A View From Pakistan
Both countries’ polities remain locked in an unending war and demonise each other in all forms of despicable ways and continue to pull up walls and disinformation through propaganda, movies and fake news about one another. Still, can you stop me from loving Amir Khan, Shah Rukh Khan, or Ranbir Kapoor? And Asha ji’s voice?
There is a generation or two who remember better times and continue to love our classical and Bollywood film phases. You can’t erase our experiences. Pakistanis have grown up loving Indian movies and their singers and actors.
Looking at the comments under the Geo TV notice by PEMRA is a testament of the sanity that foundationally prevails in Pakistani society.
We might rally around our government when it is under attack from outside forces, but we will not deny our shared love and admiration of iconic artists of the subcontinent. That would be denying our own culture.
Pakistanis = Indian Muslims With Sovereignty?
Part 1: Who Can Speak for the Muslims of India
Part 2
BB has made a comment calling Pakistanis “strayed Muslim Indians“; which does not quite make sense, because Pakistanis are both Indic & Islamic, uniquely so. One cannot deny the highly syncretic and distinct Muslim subculture that has come about from a very long and deep history in India. It cannot be subsumed into an Indian identity in any meaningful way without acknowledging that distinctiveness.
But the phrasing opens a useful equation.
Pakistanis = Indian Muslims with sovereignty.
Continue reading Pakistanis = Indian Muslims With Sovereignty?