New DNA research paper sheds light on proto-Dravidian and Indus Valley Civilization genetics.

Disclaimer

Please note I am a dentist — not a geneticist — and I do not claim formal expertise in this field. I have a long-standing interest in history and look to archaeogenetics as one of the best tools available for addressing some of the most enduring questions about South Asian origins and identity.

Credit is due to the many researchers, bloggers, and science communicators who have made this field accessible — including Razib Khan (whom I haven’t met, though he happens to be a fellow Bengali), who’s writing first inspired me to engage deeply with these questions.
Continue reading New DNA research paper sheds light on proto-Dravidian and Indus Valley Civilization genetics.

Does India have a “once in a millennium chance”?

India 2047: A Thriving Nation Embracing Progress and Potential

As one does, we were discussing societal rise and collapse on twitter and I said at some point:

“I have no clue about EU etc but I think stories of the demise of France, the Vikings and the Poles all look unlikely to me.. And given the evidence of the last 500 years of Russian asabiya, I wouldn’t write them off either.. They will all survive wud be my guess.. Meanwhile, the gods have arranged a once in a millennium opportunity for Indians and it will be an unforgivable tragedy to miss it.. Go big, or go home”

User @whatwasthataga4 on X.com (an Indian American) asked: “I don’t understand this once in a millennium opportunity. What exactly is it and how is it supposed to work in the best case?”

I posted an off the cuff reply and wished I could sit down and do a proper post on this. But knowing that I may not get to it, I am just quickly updating my tweet and hoping that commentators will add value.. So here is my “off the top of my head” explanation of this “once in a millenium opportunity” claim.

We will come back to why “once in a millenium” (i.e., did this opportunity not exist before? will it not exist in the future?), but I think you have to begin with belief in certain things, some of which seem obvious, but others are hotly contested by HBD types (and I think the HBD types are wrong here). So here are some things I believe are true and which constitute a “once in a millennium opportunity to become a developed and powerful nation” (we will dismiss the fantasists who think humans have moved beyond nations, yadda yadda yadda).

1. Indian human resources are potentially world class; the wetware is actually OK (though disease and malnutrition do lower IQ in some significant subsets, but cultural strengths compensate as well, so even that is not a lost cause)

2. So, wetware can work. What about software? I think even the software is not entirely corrupted. The bios is still intact for most people (though under threat) and the culture has many elements that make it potentially successful. For example, there is a significant commercial class and tradition, of the South Chinese type, if not equally developed right now. There is also significant respect for teachers and learning (again, not at Confucian levels, but it is very much there) and respect for legal authority (sometimes, maybe a lot of times, too much respect for authority, but there is also a romantic anti-authoritarian assault from Wokish Leftist ideologies that now threatens to over-correct).

You may be getting a hint of why i say its a chance, not a done deal. These are also strengths that are under sustained assault from Postleftist wokish ideologies and in India there is such significant domination of western leftish narratives in the educated classes that there is the possibility they could actually destroy these cultural strengths in another generation. That would be one way to miss the bus. Another would be to start a religious civil war. The second is very high on the list of fears for leftists and liberals, but I suggest we should be equally fearful of too much leftism 🙂

3. The administrative and military machinery of the Raj is intact, vast and relatively modern, and can be redirected to new purposes. I listed this at 3, but this is probably what many people think of when they say “India has a chance, thanks to the Raj”. I think the downsides of colonization exceed any benefits they brought, but no doubt the existence of this apparatus gives India (and even the other successor states of the Raj) an edge over, say, Afghanistan, for better and for worse. Its a mixed blessing but its there, and it CAN potentially be directed to new ends.

4. A vast and successful diaspora (a source of ideas, ideals, money and skills)

5. Relatively good asabiya for such a large country (I dont buy this notion that Indian people in general are not patriotic. If anything, they are excessively and over-sentimentally patriotic . Patriotism matters. (Pakistan has even better asabiya, so this is necessary, but not sufficient 🙂 )

6. The biggest population in the world Demographic dividend. Another obvious point where the opportunity is there now, but wont be there forever.

And so on.. There is a lot more

Add your comments. (I have left the meaning of development vague, but what I personally mean is very conventional success as the first layer (the thought is that this layer itself implies others), so things like being a giant middle income or more economy, with no serious invasion fears and a clearly functional political and economic system that is a very big source of innovation and ideas for the whole planet; I dont mean people will be more virtuous, or a “new man” will be born after the glorious revolution).

BTW, here is a conventional western view of why a chance for very serious development exists in India (at least this was the view last year, relations are more tense now and the strategic directives behind such programs may have shifted)

Postscript: My conspiracy theory is that a thousand conspiracies are launched and some turn out to be workable, but nobody knows in advance that A or B is a sure shot.. It’s a leap into the dark 🙂 (hence, work for the ones you want, when the time is right, it will happen)

Paritrāṇāya sādhūnāṁ vināśāya ca duṣkṛtām |

Dharma-saṁsthāpanārthāya sambhavāmi yuge yuge

 

Sanjeev Sanyal on the generational shift in India

Sanjeev Sanyal is somewhat… infamous as one of the flag-bearers of the Indian Right wing. A longform interview where he talks about citation laundering, the misrepresentation of Emperor Ashok, the machinations of ranking Indian democracy and credit sovereign ratings. Its indeed quite laughable if press freedoms in Pakistan and Afghanistan end up being rated higher than India.

The recent Barabar caves kerfluffle on BP came to mind while listening to him.

When was India’s Golden Age?

When people claim that India and Pakistan are “equally artificial,” they erase the long, uneven civilisational trajectories that produced both. Kabir, who is generally more courteous than the average Saffroniate imagines, still falls into this conceptual trap. But the question this raises is larger than contemporary geopolitics:

When was India’s Golden Age, and for whom?

A Golden Age can be political, cultural, philosophical, or civilisational. The answer depends on what we measure: scale, radiance, confidence, or continuity. Asking it forces us to examine whether India is a recent invention or a very old organism repeatedly broken and reconstituted.

Pakistan complicates this picture. As the Indus zone, it has deep civilisational roots of its own; older than Islam, perhaps as a geographic expression even older than the Vedic world. This is why, despite its ideological volatility, Pakistan will likely persist: it sits on a basin that has generated coherent cultures for five millennia. Its anti-India posture gives it political definition, but its underlying geography gives it durability. Continue reading When was India’s Golden Age?

Cyclone Ditwah November 2025

Cyclone Ditwah may have been a once in a 1,000 year event. However the Oceanographic and Atmospheric Physics implies this could be in all probability a regular even, may be a once in 10 years event.

First, energy for cyclones comes fir the ocean. Usually sea surface temperatures higher then 27 degrees is required. The ocean around Sri Lanka is currently more than 30 degrees. More than sufficient energy.

Second, more importantly the formation history of TC Ditwah. This is from the analysis of  Dr Sarath Wijeratne.The system started with the formation of two low pressure systems: one to the south-east of the Island and the other south-west. The one to the south-west was stronger and moved to the east whist the one south-east moved slowly to the west. Ultimately they joined together to form TC Ditwah. This merging of two low pressure system is called the Fujiwhara effect. This very rare event and has not been documented in this region. The merging of the two low pressure systems intensified TC Ditwah. Now we know the result. (Charitha Pattiarachi)

Watch video

https://web.facebook.com/511554041/videos/pcb.10164281956204042/828565176728130

There are two basic Physics that make the current condition conducive to devastating storms
a) Evaporation becomes exponential around 30C
b) Water holding capacity of Atmosphere too turns exponential around 30C

Thus a small change in air temperature results in a large change in amount of water vapor that can be held in the Atmosphere

The larger the amount of water held in the atmosphere, bigger possibility of it condensing i.e. becoming rain.  Worse because bigger amounts, it will come down in buckets,

Increases in atmospheric water vapor also amplify the global water cycle. They contribute to making wet regions wetter and dry regions drier. The more water vapor that air contains, the more energy it holds. This energy fuels intense storms, particularly over land. This results in more extreme weather events. (This was known by Year 2000 from Climate Models)    For South Asia means wetter Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka.  Drier North India.

Economies of UP and Bihar

In the rankings of major Indian states based on per capita income, UP and Bihar have been occupying the last two places for quite a while. Their per capita incomes are approximately half and one third of the national average, which has sparked considerable discussion lately. While most people focus on usual suspects like overpopulation and corruption, some argue that the absence of coastlines also plays a significant role. This idea has appeared in this blog several times, and I will offer my two cents.

On the surface, the argument seems reasonable, given that both Bihar and UP are non-coastal states and many coastal states are doing extremely well. However, a closer look reveals a lack of empirical evidence to support this claim. To begin with, the correlation between higher per capita income and having a coastline is relatively new. Back in 1990, of the eight major coastal states, only Maharashtra was performing exceptionally well. Gujarat was above average, while Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, and Bengal were either average or slightly below. Orissa, on the other hand, was quite poor. This suggests that it was economic liberalization, rather than the mere presence of coastlines, that primarily fueled the growth in South India.

The correlation between coastal status and economic performance appears even more spurious when we examine other non-coastal states. There are eight large non-coastal states with populations exceeding 20 million, excluding UP and Bihar. Their combined per capita income is almost same as the national average. In fact, two of these states, Telangana and Haryana, rank among the top three. If being landlocked is indeed such a significant disadvantage, why doesn’t it similarly impact these other non-coastal states?

Let’s explore the coastline related industries further. India’s blue economy, which includes sectors like coastal tourism, fisheries, shipping, and offshore energy, constitutes only about 4 percent of the country’s GDP. Given that coastal states account for 55 percent of India’s GDP, it’s evident that coastlines aren’t as impactful economically as one might assume. The transport sector in India represents roughly 5 percent of the GDP, but a significant part of this involves passenger and local freight transport. The part consisting of transport between port and non-coastal states is relatively small, and the extra burden is equivalent to a tax of less than 5 percent on all imported or exported goods.

So one could probably argue that if UP and Bihar were coastal, their per capita incomes might be 5-10 percent higher. However, this doesn’t change the big picture.

Red Fort Attack and Aftermath: Initial Thoughts by Manav S.

 

Red Fort Attack and Aftermath: Initial Thoughts by Manav S.

Last evening’s devastating car-explosion near the Red Fort in Delhi is not only a cruel assault on innocent lives but an assault on the very symbolism of our nation. According to early reports, a vehicle detonated close to the busy metro zone at the historic Red Fort complex, killing at least eight people and injuring more than twenty.  The government has invoked anti-terror legislation and launched a full probe under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA). 

First, we must recognise the human tragedy behind the headlines. Lives shattered, families devastated, fear spreading in a city already grappling with chronic insecurity. For those of us of South Asian heritage who carry memories of communal strife, of migration and displacement, this attack touches a deeper chord of vulnerability and of collective memory. Hospitals have reported frantic cries, missing persons, relatives screaming for loved ones. 

Second, the choice of location amplifies the message. The Red Fort is not just another landmark: it is an emblem of India’s sovereignty, its layered history, its identity. To strike here is to strike at the heart of public confidence and to send a message of audacious defiance. As scholars writing on “brown diasporic publics” know, our public spaces carry meaning not just for those inside India, but for those of us abroad who anchor our identity in ‘homeland’ narratives. This attack disrupts that anchor.

Third, we must resist both fear and simplistic narratives. The invocation of terror laws suggests the state is treating this as a planned act of violence, not an accident.  But let us guard against quick binaries: Us vs Them, Hindus vs Muslims, India vs Outsiders. In a plural society like ours, sweeping communal attributions too often deepen fault-lines rather than heal them. Our commentary must demand both justice and wisdom: meticulous investigation, transparent process, and safeguarding civil rights in the process.

Fourth, what does this mean for our shared public culture? For someone born in Punjab and now living across borders, the explosion challenges our sense of movement, of belonging, of normalcy. We think of carrying family across continents, of re-configuring identity in Washington–DC and Delhi , how do such apparently random acts of terror recalibrate the psychic cost of migration and the distance between home and homeland? The answer is: they make the cost higher, the emotional freight heavier.

Finally, the path forward must hold three imperatives: one, empathy – for all victims, irrespective of religion, class or residence; two, accountability – for whoever plotted, financed or enabled this attack; and three, renewal – of the public realm, the shouting panic, the fear-laden sighs, with something stronger: resilient civic culture, public institutions we trust, cross-community solidarity.

As a brown pundit, I urge our readership to see beyond the flashes of violence, beyond the political spin, and to ask the deeper questions: What kind of society are we building? What kind of public spaces do we imagine, and what cost are we willing to pay for them? For if we shrug now, the symbolic scar will grow — far after the immediate blast damage is repaired.

In that moment of stillness after the blast, we owe to our fellow citizens not just sorrow, but vigilant hope.

Mangal Pandey. Truth and Fiction

Mangal Panday – Film, Fiction & Facts
Hamid Hussain
 
Mangal Panday – The Rising is a big budget Indian film and good research has been done about the history of this incident. Generally, a lot of cinematic license is used in most historical films but Mangal Panday has kept core historical facts intact. As expected, a lot of additional fictional material has been added to make it interesting. Films are essentially about entertainment and not substitutes for history books. There is quite a large body of written material available on the events of 1857. Colonial literature, post independence nationalist literature and leftist writers provide different interpretations of the events of 1857 uprising. I’ll limit myself only to the historical context.

Adrenaline vs. Accuracy
Scene 1– In the beginning of the movie, there is a scene of Afghanistan where Mangal saved his officer’s life during a fire fight. This is not correct. First Anglo-Afghan war was fought in 1839-42 and Mangal’s regiment 34th Bengal Native Infantry (BNI) didn’t serve in Afghanistan. In addition, Mangal was born in 1831 and joined his regiment in 1850, long after the first Anglo-Afghan war. 
 
Scene 2– There is a scene of a British officer of 34th BNI saving a Hindu girl from burning at her husband’s funeral pyre (satti). There is no evidence of an officer of 34th BNI involved in such an affair; however there are reports of such incidents. The most famous one is related to founder of Calcutta Job Charnock. He saved a beautiful Bengali Hindu girl from the satti pyre and later married her. He adopted local customs often wearing native loin cloth (lungi) in public. George Lawrence (brother of famous John and Henry Lawrence) served for forty three years in India and as a young officer serving with 2nd Bengal Light Cavalry he was witness to a satti ceremony in Neemuch. The poor girl’s husband had died in a far off land and his body was not even there at the pyre. She was to be burned alive on the pyre while her departed husband was represented by some of his clothes. Young Lawrence was perturbed and seeing some of his own troopers among the crowd asked them if they would help him if he decided to rescue the girl. Lawrence approached the pyre and told the young girl that he was willing to save her life. The girl thanked him but refused the offer stating that she was willing to die. 
 
Scene 3– Mangal using the new cartridge during firing practice biting it with his teeth. Practice for new cartridges was done at School of Musketry at Dum Dum and soldiers from different regiments were sent to Dum Dm. Drill Havaldar of 34th BNI Mookta Prasad Panday showed his reservation. On March 02, Major John Bontein of Dum Dum School of musketry wrote a letter that few Hindu sepoys have refused to use new cartridge. Soldiers of 2nd BNI (Grenadiers) and 7th BNI had no objection to use of cartridges but one sepoy Petum Singh showed hesitation.
There was serious reservation by many soldiers about new cartridges and reports started to appear in early January 1857 that sepoys were apprehensive about this issue. Many feared that it contained cow and pig fat and some thought it was a deliberate attempt to break their caste and ultimately convert them to Christianity. This feeling was strongest among high caste Hindu sepoys. They talked to British officers and suggested that either wax or oil be used instead of other material. 
 
The Regiment
Film has done very good job at portraying the regimental uniforms and insignia as well as regimental life of the time period. A brief history of Mangal’s regiment 34th BNI can help to understand the background.
Mangal Panday; sepoy number 1446 belonged to the 5th Company of 34th Bengal Native Infantry (BNI). This regiment was raised in 1786. In 1844, several Bengal infantry regiments showed signs of unrest and protested about bhatta (Foreign Service allowance) when ordered to garrison newly conquered Sindh. Five regiments; 4th, 34th, 64th & 69th Bengal Native Infantry and 7th Bengal Light Cavalry showed signs of unrest. Authorities dealt leniently with all other regiments but it was decided to disband 34th BNI as it held on the longest and finally it was disbanded on March 27, 1844 at Meerut.
34th BNI was re-raised in July 1846 at Ludhiana. In 1857, this regiment was about a decade old and not as cohesive compared to an old regiment. In early 1857, the garrison of Barrackpore consisted entirely of native troops from four regiments; 34th BNI, 70th BNI (commanded by Colonel J.D. Kennedy), 43rd Light Infantry (Commanded by Major Matthews) and 2nd Native Infantry (Grenadiers). Garrison commander was Brigadier Charles Grant. Barrackpore was also headquarters of presidency division and commanded by Major General J.B. Hearsey. Native infantry regiments consisted of ten companies of about 100 soldiers each. Companies were mixed in contrast to later class companies.
Total strength of 34th BNI in March 1857 was 1089. Three companies were stationed in Chittagong while some small detachments were on guard duties at other stations. Class composition consisted of 335 Brahmin Hindus, 237 Khatri (spelled Chuttrees in old documents) Hindus, 231 inferior caste Hindus, 200 Muslims, 74 Sikhs and 12 Christians. Subedar Major was a Brahmin Ram Lall and out of four Subedars, two were Brahmins (Sewumbar Panday; I’m unable to find the name of the other Brahmin Subedar), one inferior caste Hindu (Lala Gopal) and one Muslim (Muddeh Khan). Regiment was commanded by Colonel Stephen Glyane Wheler (he didn’t belong to the regiment and had been posted recently to command the regiment). Battalion Adjutant was Lieutenant Bempde Henry Baugh, Quartermaster and battalion interpreter was Lieutenant F.E.A. Chamier and senior British Non-Commissioned Officer (NCO) was Sergeant Major James Thornton Hewson.
Lieutenant Colonel Stephen Glyane Wheler
Captain C.C. Drury
Captain W.W. Aubert
Captain P.H.K. Dewaal
Lieutenant Bempde Henry Baugh
Lieutenant F.E.A. Chamier
Lieutenant Stewart Allen
Lieutenant J.T. Liscombe
Lieutenant G.R. Hennessy
Lieutenant A.C. Bunbury
Dr. James Allen
James Thornton Hewson
Ram Lall
Sewumbar Panday
Lala Gopal
Muddeh Khan
Commanding Officer
Commanding Chittagong detachment of 3 Cos.
Adjutant
Quartermaster and Interpreter
5th Company Commander
Commanding Fort William detachment
Assistant Surgeon of the regiment
Sergeant Major
Subedar Major
Subedar
Subedar
Subedar
Table: 1 List of Officers of 34th Bengal Native Infantry. Not all officers were present at regimental headquarters. Some were commanding detachments at other stations while others were away.
34th was disbanded on May 06 after Mangal Panday incident. European soldiers consisting of 84th Foot (commanded by Colonel Reed), a wing of 53rd and two batteries of artillery surrounded the parade ground where 34th was disbanded. Only seven companies of the regiment were disbanded. On the day of disbandment, 414 soldiers were discharged. Three companies (2nd, 3rd & 4th) were stationed at Chittagong and survived disbandment. Soldiers who were not present with the regiment as well as many Muslims and Sikhs of the regiment survived the disbandment. After mutiny, Indian army was reorganized as large number of Bengal infantry regiments ceased to exist. Old numbers were allotted to newly raised irregular regiments during the mutiny and those who remained loyal. In 1861, Fatehgarh Levy raised by Captain Shakespear Sage was designated 34th BNI but this regiment was also disbanded in 1882. In 1885, 34th was re-raised by Lieutenant Colonel Arthur W. Crookshank. 
 
The Spark
Scene 4 – The scenes of 34th refusing to use cartridges on a full parade, Colonel Wheler ordering artillery guns to be brought against the regiment, Mangal firing repeatedly at assembled British and native troops, 34th breaking the kote of arms and attacking British officers are all fictional. Some of these events are related to another regiment 19th BNI stationed at Barhampore. Captain William Gordon is also a fictional character and his duel with Mangal is also part of cinematic license.
There have been reports informing British officers that sepoys of different regiments were gathering and discussing their fears and rudimentary plans of how to protect their faith. Colonel Wheler was accused of preaching gospel to natives; a fact which he admitted later during inquiries. An anonymous letter to Commanding Officer of 43rd BNI Major Matthews summed up the fears of the sepoys. Sepoys expressed their fear in this letter that government was mixing bones in salt, flour and sugar, forcing people to eat together to break the castes, allowing Hindu widows to marry and all this was considered as an assault on the religion. The letter warned that ‘we will not give up our religion’ and that majority of the sepoys of Barrackpore garrison were of this opinion. A Jamadar of 34th BNI had warned his officers about general feelings among sepoys. General Hearsey had ordered a court of inquiry asking sepoys to express their grievances. Majority of soldiers expressed their suspicions about cartridges. These feelings were significant enough as General Hearsey wrote that ‘we have at Barrackpore been dwelling upon a mine ready for explosion’. Many British officers discussed frankly with their men at parades and in cantonment that British were not planning to interfere with their religion.
Immediate cause of trouble was 19th BNI. This regiment was stationed at Barhampore and commanded by Lieutenant Colonel W. St. L. Mitchell. Regiment’s Adjutant was Lieutenant J.F. McAndrew, Quartermaster and Interpreter Lieutenant James Vallings and Subedar Major was Shaikh Murad Bux. On February 25, an escort of 34th came from Barrackpore to Barhampore bringing convalescing Europeans and they had allegedly incited soldiers of 19th BNI. Earlier on February 18, another escort of 34th BNI had brought some stallions to Barhampore. 
 
Soldiers of 19th refused to accept greased cartridges on February 27th and in view of absence of any European troops nothing could be done. Later, some soldiers broke into kote and took arms to their lines. Later, at the insistence of their officers arms were returned. This was a serious offence but there were no other troops available at Barhampore to tackle 19th BNI therefore regiment was ordered to march to Barrackpore to be disbanded on March 31st. (Ironically, orders were issued that regiment should be disbanded in the same manner that 34th was disbanded in 1844 in Meerut. In one of the strange coincidences of history, 34th was disbanded second time merely five weeks later and the fire of rebellion started in Meerut). 19th BNI was disbanded while surrounded by European and native troops and soldiers were escorted by a wing of 84th Foot to Chinsura from where soldiers went to their homes. They openly accused soldiers of 34th BNI for inciting them. 19th and 34th had been stationed together recently in Lucknow prior to their move to Bengal. 
 
The incident of Mangal Panday’s firing on his officers occurred on Sunday March 29, 1857 between 4 and 6 pm. Mangal was high after having more than fair share of intoxicating ‘bhang’. Mangal was in front of the lines holding a loaded musket and a native sword (tulwar). He was wearing his red uniform jacket but loin cloth (dhoti) instead of uniform pants. He ordered drummer John Lewis to sound assembly. This sequence is accurately portrayed in film. Naik Emam Khan of the quarter guard rushed to Sergeant Major James Hewson’s quarters to inform him and he was the first European to reach the site. Mangal shot towards him but missed. Hewson took shelter behind the bell of arms. Havaldar Major Madhoo Tiwari rushed to battalion Adjutant Lieutenant Baugh’s residence to inform him. He arrived on the scene riding his horse. His orderly Sepoy Shaikh Paltoo of the Grenadier Company of the battalion was running after the horse. When Mangal saw Baugh approaching, he took cover behind the artillery gun in front of the quarter guard and fired his musket at Baugh and hit the horse. The horse fell and Baugh after disentangling himself fired his pistol but he also missed. Mangal didn’t have time to reload his musket as Baugh along with Sergeant Major Hewson with drawn swords were now almost on him. Mangal wounded both officers with his sword and the lives of both officers were saved by the heroic act of Sepoy Shaikh Paltoo who held Mangal from his waist. This gave enough time to both officers to retreat from the scene. During all this time, Mangal yelled at his fellow sepoys telling them to get ready. When no one joined him, angry Mangal abused them and said, “you have excited me to do this, and, now, you ban chutes (sister f******) you will not join me”. Jamadar Ganness Lalla and Color Havaldar Macklar Prasad Panday (both belonging to Mangal’s 5th Company) shouted at Mangal to throw his weapon and give himself up.
The guard of twenty sepoys under their Jamadar Ishwari Panday didn’t move. A crowd of about 400 sepoys in various dresses had gathered at the scene by this time. Only Sheikh Paltoo struggled with Mangal and held on him. Mangal had reloaded his musket by this time. Many soldiers of the regiment stood and none of them intervened to help their officers. Major General J. B. Hearsey arrived on the scene accompanied by his two sons’ Captain John Hearsey (38th BNI) and Lieutenant Andrew Hearsey (57th BNI) along with Assistant Adjutant General (AAG) Major Ross. Mangal shot himself but was wounded only in the right side of the chest ripping only muscles and also damaging shoulder and neck. His red coat caught fire at the entry wound that was put out. This minor detail is shown elegantly in the film with some close camera shots. Mangal was arrested and put in the quarter guard of 70th BNI. Later, he was treated by assistant surgeon of 53rd Foot Dr. T.B. Reid. Hearsey took his pistol out and ordered the guard to get back to their duty. He also promoted Shaikh Paltoo to Havaldar on the spot (he retired as Subedar). Most of the soldiers of the regiment simply watched the whole incident and did not make any attempt to restrain Mangal. However, few hit two British officers with musket butts when they were on the ground. 
 
Mangal was tried on April 06 by a fourteen member native general court martial. All members were native officers and court was headed by Subedar Major Jawahar Lal Tiwari (43rd BNI). One member Subedar Sewambar Panday was from Mangal’s own 34th BNI. Mangal was charged with inciting mutiny and using violence against officers. Mangal did not cross examine witnesses and only said that ‘I did not know whom I wounded and whom I did not. What more shall I say. I have nothing more to say”. Court gave a unanimous guilty verdict and eleven out of the fourteen members recommended death penalty for Mangal. Mangal was kept in the quarter guard of HM 53rd Foot. After the announcement of sentence, field officer of the week, Major W. A. Cooke and Ensign Chamier (interpreter) visited him and asked him whether he acted of his own free will. He stated that he acted on his own free will and expected that he will die. He also stated that he had no specific grudge against any officer and would have shot anyone who came near him. He also admitted that he had been taking opium and bhang recently and previously he didn’t use these drugs. He said that he was not aware at that time what he was doing. Mangal was hanged on 08 April 1857. 
 
Scene 5- In the end of the film, it is mentioned that an officer of 34th named Gordon was seen fighting alongside Indian sepoys. In the film, Gordon is the main English character. There was no officer named Gordon with 34th BNI. This is also a fictional tale. Mangal’s 5th Company commander was Lieutenant Stewart Allen. However, there were some Englishmen and many Anglo-Indians who fought alongside rebels. Some may have sympathized with rebel cause while others may have joined them to save their lives. One Scottish named Sergeant Major Robert Gordon fought alongside rebels at Delhi. Gordon was born in Scotland and came to India in 1840. He joined Bengal Artillery and rapidly rose through the ranks because he was literate. In 1852, he was appointed Sergeant Major of 28th BNI. In 1857, 28th BNI was stationed at Shahjahanpur (about forty seven miles from Bareli) and Captain Marshal James was the acting Commanding Officer. 28th BNI mutinied on May 31 killing their commanding officer and left for Bareli (about 100 Sikh soldiers remained loyal). Later, it arrived at Delhi along with the mutinous contingent from Bareli (18th BNI, 68th BNI and 8th Irregular Cavalry) under the command of Bakht Khan. 28th BNI came marching on the tunes played by the Anglo-Indian band of the regiment. In Delhi, Gordon was put in prison along with a handful of English and Anglo-Indians who had survived the massacre. Some accounts suggest that Gordon had converted to Islam and named Abdullah Khan. He served with rebel guns due to his training as a gunner. After the fall of Delhi, he surrendered to Brevet Major William Hodson at the tomb of Humayun. Hodson executed all Anglo-Indian band members after their surrender at Humayun tomb. A lengthy inquiry followed to ascertain whether Gordon worked with rebels under duress or willingly. Finally, it was recommended to discharge him from the army. In July 1859, he was put on a ship under arrest but after arriving in England, he was released. He disappeared from the pages of history after his arrival in England. 
 
Sex & Raj
Scene 6- Film has a scene of the bazaar of prostitutes of the cantonment. A European doctor examining prostitutes is correct portrayal as these measures were taken to decrease sexually transmitted diseases among soldiers. In 1850s, there were seventy five military districts and in every district prostitution was supervised by authorities. All prostitutes were registered, minimum age for prostitutes was fifteen and women were provided with their own living quarters or tents that were regularly inspected. Some establishments were quite large and brothel in Lucknow had fifty five rooms. Prostitutes infected with sexually transmitted diseases were removed and not allowed to practice their trade until recovered. Both native and European soldiers used these bazaars; however sepoys were discouraged to visit those prostitutes preferred by European soldiers. Most British soldiers were from lower strata of the society and were not held to the standard of a British officer. British soldiers visited prostitutes more often than sepoys. One reason was that British soldiers were not married while sepoys were usually married men. These bazaars were called ‘lal bazaars’ (red streets). Both heterosexual and homosexual relations were common in mid nineteenth century. British regiments spent several years in India and many a times children were born of such relationships. Special houses and schools were assigned as early as eighteenth century for these children. 
 
Scene 7- In the film, Captain William Gordon has an affair with an Indian girl Jawala. By the middle of nineteenth century, this trend had almost died down. In late seventeenth and eighteenth century, many Europeans kept native concubines as well as legally married local women both Muslim and Hindu. These women were kept in a separate house named Bibi Ghar. The practice was common enough that surviving wills from Bengal in the years 1780-85 show that one in three record bequest to Indian wives and companions. Some Englishmen retained their own religion and culture while others converted to Hinduism or Islam and became completely ‘native’. Some children of such unions roamed in two worlds comfortably while others drifted to one side. Some were educated in England and finally settled there while others grew up as natives in India. Few of the off springs of these unions even became celebrated poets and scholars of Urdu and Persian (Farasu, Shaiq, Sufi etc.). 
 
Most Company employees both civil and military joined the service at the age of sixteen. Several factors such as very young age, prolonged stay of decades in India, posting to a far off station with very little contact with Europeans and influence of native consorts and wives resulted in complete ‘nativization’ of some of these Englishmen. Near the end of eighteenth century, Company laws and rise of Evangelical Christian activity severely restricted such encounters and by the middle of nineteenth century, it was a rare phenomenon. 
 
British Resident in Delhi Sir David Ochterlony lived like an oriental nawab and had thirteen native consorts; the most famous one being Mubarak Begum. British Resident to the court of Marhattas in Pune General William Palmer married Begum Fayze Bakhsh of a prominent Delhi family. British Resident at Hyderabad Lieutenant Colonel James Achilles Kirkpatrick married Khair un Nissa; great niece of the Prime Minister of Hyderabad. James’s half brother William lived with his consort named Dhoolaury Bibi. 
 
Major General Charles Stuart had practically became a Hindu and lived with his Hindu wife. He was nicknamed ‘Hindu Stuart’ and ‘General Pandit’. He was buried in Christian cemetery in Calcutta but with his Hindu gods. The commander of British troops in Hyderabad Lieutenant Colonel James Darlymple married the daughter of Nawab of Masulipatam Mooti Begum. William Linnaeus Gardner married the daughter of Nawab of Cambay Begum Mah Manzel un Nissa. After freelance service with Marhattas and Nizam of Hyderabad, he raised irregular cavalry regiment named Gardner’s Horse for East Company. This regiment still survives as 2nd Lancers of Indian army. Gardner lived happily on his wife’s estate near Agra (Mah Manzal was adopted daughter of Mughal Emperor Akbar Shah II). His son James married Begum Malka Humanee; a niece of Mughal Emperor (she was also sister in law of Nawab of Lucknow). William’s granddaughter was married to a Mughal prince Mirza Anjum Shikoh Bahadar. Another soldier of fortune Hercules Skinner married a Hindu Rajput lady and several children were born from this union (she committed suicide when Skinner tried to take their daughters out of purdah to be educated and married to Englishmen). Their son James Skinner raised the famous irregular cavalry regiment Skinners Horse nick named ‘Yellow Boys’. This is now the senior most cavalry regiment of Indian army; Ist Lancers. James had fourteen Hindu and Muslim wives and consorts. He lived like a Muslim but later in life regularly read Bible and buried in St. James Church in Delhi. 
 
One of the last story of such love affairs is Colonel Robert Warburton of Bengal Artillery and Shah Jahan Begum; allegedly a niece of Amir Dost Muhammad Khan of Afghanistan. Warburton fought in First Anglo-Afghan war (1839-42) and was captured by Afghans. He fell in love with Shah Jahan Begum and married her. The offspring of this union was Robert Warburton; born in a fort near Gandamak in 1842 when his mother was on the run. He was fluent in English, Persian and Pushtu and served as Political Agent of Khyber Agency for eighteen years. In a strange irony, Warburton senior was born in Ireland and buried in Christian Cemetery of Peshawar while Warburton Junior was born in Afghanistan and buried in Brompton cemetery near London. 
 
References:
1- George Bruce Malleson. The Mutiny of The Bengal Army: A historical Narrative (London: Bosworth and Harrison, 1857).
2- History of the Indian Mutiny of 1857–8, in six volumes.
Volumes I and II by Sir John William Kaye, edited by Colonel G. B. Malleson
Volumes III, IV, V and VI by Colonel G. B. Malleson, 1864
3- Appendix to Papers Relative to the Mutinies in the East Indies. Presented to both houses of parliament 1857 (London: Harrison & Sons, 1857)
4- Rosie Llewellyn Jones. The Great Uprising in India: Untold Stories; Indian and British (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2007)
5- Richard Forster. Mangal Pandey: Drug-crazed Fanatic or Canny Revolutionary? University of Hawai’i at Mānoa http://www.columbia.edu/cu/cujsas/Volume%20I/Richard%20Forster%20-%20Mangal%20Pandey.pdf
6- Ronald Hyam. Empire and Sexuality: The British Experience (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990)
7- Durba Ghosh. Sex and Family in Colonial India: The Making of Empire (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006)
8- Nils Johan Ringdal. Love for Sale: A World History of Prostitution (New York: First Grove Press, 2004)
9- Lionel J. Trotter. The History of British Empire in India 1844-1862 (London: Wm. H. Allen & Co., 1866)
10- United Service Magazine, No.188, July 1844
11- William Darlymple. White Mughals. (London: Harper Perennial, 2003)
12- Philip Mason. A Matter of Honor (Norwich: Fletcher & Son Ltd, 1976)
Hamid Hussain
Defence Journal, November 2012
Brown Pundits