- Modi’s candidature helped NDA: 1 in every 4 respondents who voted for NDA said they would not
have voted for the coalition had Modi not been the prime ministerial
candidate - It was the upper castes, OBCs, and the tribals-who together won the day for BJP
- Upper Caste consolidation in favor of BJP reached 1998 level, while Muslim vote share for Congress remained steady
- BJP recorded her largest ever Muslim voteshare but by and large, Congress and the rest retained their Muslim Voters
- Highest ever Young Voter Turnout: Compared to the national average of 66.6%, turnout among first-time voters (18-22 years) and âother young votersâ was 68 %. In past, the turnout among young voters has always been lower compared to the average national turnout. So this is a big deal. The increase in turnout among first-time voters was visible in both rural and urban constituencies and cut across gender.
- In the BJP win states, Support for the party cuts across young and old: The biggest shift among first-time voters in favour of the BJP could be
seen in Madhya Pradesh followed by Uttar Pradesh, Jharkhand and
Rajasthan. But, in other States where the party registered an impressive
victory â Bihar, Gujarat, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh and Chhattisgarh â
it received more support among voters of the age group 23-25 and among
other middle-aged voters compared to first-time voters - A thin ‘majority’ mandate: Before 2014 elections, the lowest vote share of a âmajorityâ party was
41 % . Compared to that, BJPâs share of 31 per cent is pretty low.
Category: X.T.M
Operation Bluestar
Written by Hamid Hussain on this 30th anniversary of the operation:
|
Dramatis Personae
Indira Gandhi â In 1984, she was Prime Minister of India and ordered army to flush out extremists entrenched in Golden Temple. On October 31, 1984, she was killed by her two Sikh bodyguards. Beant Singh was killed on the spot while Satwant Singh was later convicted of murder and hanged in 1989. Indiraâs assassination enraged Hindus and mobs attacked Sikhs. The worst riots occurred in Delhi where Hindu mobs attacked Sikhs and some estimate that about 3000 Sikhs were killed. Sikhs alleged that many Congress party office holders were directly involved in these attacks. Member of parliament from Delhi Lalit Makan and City Counselor and friend of Rajiv Gandhi, Arjun Das were alleged to have a role in anti-Sikh riots. Makan was married to Gitanjali; daughter of former President of India Shankar Dayal Sharma. On July 31, 1985, Makan and his wife were gunned down near their house and in September 1985, Das was assassinated in his office.
Lieutenant General Srinavas Kumar Sinha â He was commissioned from Officer Training School (OTS) at Belgaum in 1942. He was the best cadet of his course. He was commissioned in 6/9 Jat Regiment. In 1952, he was transferred to 3/5th Gorkha Rifles and he commanded the battalion in 1964. In 1983, he was G-O-C-in-Chief of Western Command. He had objected to the planned operation against Sikh militants in Golden Temple and wanted a different approach. In 1984, he was Vice Chief of Army Staff (VCOAS) and as the senior most officer expected to become Chief of Army Staff (COAS) on retirement of General Krishna Rao. In an unexpected move, government announced appointment of G-O-C-in-Chief of Eastern Command Lieutenant General A. S. Vaidya as new COAS superseding Sinha. Sinha was retired and later served as governor of Assam and Jammu & Kashmir.
General Arun Shridar Vaidya â He was a cavalry officer and commanded Deccan Horse in 1965 war. He was a well decorated officer winning Maha Vir Chakra (MVC) in 1965 war and bar to MVC in 1971 war. In 1984, he was COAS. He retired in January 1986 and moved to Pune. On August 10, 1986, he was driving his car coming back home from the market when two gunmen ambushed his car pumping several bullets in the car and killing him on the spot. In 1986 Sukhdev Singh and in 1987 Harjindar Singh were arrested and charged with murder of Vaidya. Both were convicted and hanged in 1992.
General Krishnaswamy Sundarji â He was commissioned in Mahar Regiment and commanded 1 Mahar. He was G-O-C-in-Chief of Western Command in 1984. He served as COAS from 1986 to 1988. He died of natural causes in 1999.
Lieutenant General Ranjit Singh Dayal â Dayal was a well decorated officer from 1 Parachute Regiment winning MVC in 1965 war. He was Chief of Staff (COS) of Western Command in 1984 and planned Operation Blue Star. In 2005, two Sikh militants were arrested for planning to assassinate Dayal. He died from cancer in January 2012. In 2013, his local Gurdwara refused Dayalâs family request to hold prayers on his death anniversary.
Lieutenant General Kuldip Singh Brar â Brar nick named âBulbulâ is from a military family with three generations serving in Indian army. His grandfather Honorary Captain and Subedar Major Hira Singh served in Indian army. His father Major General Digambar Singh Brar was commissioned from Sandhurst and served with 5/5 Mahrata Light Infantry . Bulbul was commissioned in 1 Mahrata Light Infantry (MLI). In 1984, he was GOC of 9 Division and spearheaded the operation. He retired as Lieutenant General. Sikh militants had sworn that they will kill those involved in Operation Blue Star and Bulbul was on top of the hit list. In India, he is provided extra security protection called Z category protection. On October 02, 2012, when he was walking on a London street, he was assaulted by three Sikhs who tried to slit his throat. He survived and his three assailants Mandeep Singh, Dilbagh Singh and Barjindar Singh were later convicted. He is moved to a secret location and now under Z plus category protection. He is the last surviving among the group targeted for assassination.
Krishan Pal Singh Gill â He is IPS officer of 1957 batch from Assam cadre. He served most of his career in northeast rising to the post of DGP Meghalaya. He also served as IG Punjab Armed Police (PAP), IG BSF â Jammu and DG CRPF. In 1988, he was brought to Punjab to tackle militancy. He served two tenures as Director General of Punjab Police 1988-89 & 1991-95. He crushed militants with ruthless efficiency. He survived at least five assassination attempts. In 1999, Richpal Singh was arrested with explosives in Delhi for planning to kill K.P.S. Gill.
Major General Âź Shah Beg Singh â His life story is amazing and provides a window to changing borders and loyalties. He was a graduate of Government College Lahore and commissioned in 2nd Punjab Regiment during the Raj. He joined the elite paratroopers (Ist Para Battalion) as Indian citizen and participated in every war which his country fought. In 1947-48, he fought against Pakistan army in Nawshehra area of Kashmir. In 1962, Indo-China war, he was GSO-Intelligence at IV Corps headquarters. In 1965, Indo-Pakistan war, he commanded 3/11th Gorkha Rifles in Haji Pir sector of Kashmir. Later he commanded 19 Infantry Brigade in Jammu & Kashmir. He also served as Deputy GOC of 8 Mountain division during Naga counter-insurgency operations. In 1971 war with Pakistan, as a Brigadier, he was given charge of Delta sector with headquarters at Agartala to train Bengalis fighting against Pakistan. He was instrumental in organizing Bengali officers and soldiers, who were his former enemies and new friends to help them achieve their independence. He was promoted Major General and served as GOC of Bihar & Orissa. Senior Pakistani POWs were interned at Jabalpur under his command. He got in trouble with Indira Gandhi when he refused to get troops involved in arrest of Jay Prakash Narain agitating against government. He was posted out to UP area Head Quarters where he got into trouble with army authorities. Kumaon Regimental Center was in his jurisdiction and he found that commander of Kumaon military farm gave large sum of money to COAS General Tappy Raina. Court of inquiry found that Tappy received about two hundred thousand Rupees to meet the expenses of his daughterâs marriage. Shahbeg asked Tappy to return the money. Shahbeg was immediately relieved of his command and an inquiry started against him. Later he was charged with various infringements including charges that when he left Jabalpur area headquarter, he received a commemorative plaque worth 2500 Rupees, allowing sale of some items at canteens and cultivated some produce on the grounds of his official residence. He was dismissed from army one day before his retirement date of May 01, 1976 and he was a bitter man.
He joined Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and present at Golden Temple when Indian army launched operation in 1984. He was gunned down by the bullets of the same Indian army which had earlier awarded him two medals of bravery (Param Vashist Sewa Medal and Ati Vashist Sewa Medal). Ironically, his own 1 Para was at the forefront of the assault. He joined British Indian army and fought against Japanese in Burma. In this fight, Punjabi Muslims and Pathans serving in his regiment were his comrades. When India and Pakistan achieved independence, his former comrades became his enemies and he fought against them in 1947-48 and 1965. In 1971, the scene suddenly changed. Now he found new comrades (Bengalis) among his enemies (Pakistanis). He trained Bengalis and helped them fight for their independence. He ended up taking arms against the same flag which he had so proudly carried in so many battlefields. His life was ended not by bullets fired by Japanese, Pakistanis or Bengalis but by the soldiers of the same army which he had so proudly served. What a change in only one lifetime.
|
Sanity strikes in Sudan!!!!
Hope (in our common humanity) springs eternal as Merriam is saved from certain death. We are sure her family will be immensely relieved. Congratulations to all those who protested and who believed that the protests would work (unfortunately we of little faith did not).
Merriam just had a baby girl as well. Best wishes from the bottom of our heart.
……………….
A woman sentenced to death in Sudan after marrying a Christian could be released within days, according to reports. A senior Khartoum official has told the BBC that Meriam Ibrahim will be freed following worldwide protests about her treatment.
David Cameron has joined Ed Miliband, Nick Clegg and Tony Blair in condemning the “barbaric” punishment of the 27-year-old, who gave birth to a daughter this week while shackled in her cell.
Ms Ibrahim was raised a Christian by her mother and has refused to renounce the faith.
However, a court ruled earlier this month that she is Muslim because that was her father’s faith.
Her Christian marriage was annulled and she was sentenced to 100 lashes for adultery and death by hanging for renouncing Islam.
Sex outside a “lawful relationship” is regarded as adultery under Sudanese law.
regards
The Golden Temple
…..
The dismal story of Bluestar had been set on its tracks by Sanjay
Gandhi, but it now appears that its disastrous conclusion was the work of his
brother Rajiv, who swept to power with the biggest mandate in Indian history
following his motherâs assassination.
Operation Bluestar was not just Indira Gandhiâs last battle; it was the
first, and perhaps the most disastrous, of Rajivâs blunders.
By the time the smoke cleared over the Darbar Sahib, hundreds of
innocent bystanders had died.
Bhindranwale lay murdered, and the Akal Takht, where he had set up his
final defiance of Delhi, stood shattered. The operation was followed by the
assassination of Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards, and the organised
massacre of thousands of Sikhs by Hindu mobs, led mainly by Congress
politicians.
…….. ….
Our opinion (as informed by our relatives who survived in the war zone) is that 1984 was a great crime and happened as part of an action-reaction story (Hartosh does not account for the Hindus who were forced out of buses and summarily shot to death). But as he makes it clear like never before, the desperation of the Royal Family to get back into power in Punjab and how Rajiv Gandhi and his cronies played with fire (which later consumed the family as well). It is clear also that ordinary people matter very little in the scheme of things, with dynasties looking to survive (through a policy of divide and rule) or outstanding egos looking to be fed (by human blood). Justice in its own fashion has been handed out after more than 30 years have gone by. It is too little, too late.
There is one thing also that Hartosh does not tell us about (he is correct in his opinion that the election of the BJP and the destruction of the Congress party is not a good omen for India). If it comes to a full fledged battle, the Sikhs will lose out badly and not just in India. The holy shrines of the Sikhs are spread out all over India and Pakistan. At present there are protests that the shrines are being desecrated in Pakistan. There was a major security incident whereby Sikh protestors converged on the Pakistan Parliament.
Matters have become so polarized in South Asia that it may come to this that minority communities will not be able to survive outside of ghettos (and even imperfectly inside them). Case in point is Rabwah in Pakistan (Ahmadis) and Juhapura in Gujarat (Muslims). It will require statesmen of extra-ordinary stature to overcome the politics of polarization (the Aam Admi Party won in Punjab by associating with a Sikh militant group, see below). Politics for short term convenience and reliance on ideological extremists to get rid of moderates is the bane of South Asia. It must stop right now. We must have peace just to survive (Hartosh talks about the drug menace in Punjab threatening to derail another generation of youngsters after a previous generation has been lost to militancy), if not to prosper.
…………………………..
the Punjab insurgency, which extended from the early 1980s to the mid
1990s, the number of pilgrims to the Darbar Sahib has increased rapidly.
The queues to enter the shrine now extend beyond the causeway; but the
sense of quiet calm remains, though it is at odds with the shrineâs
history. Perhaps no place of worship so central to a major religion in
India has seen as much violence within its premises.
The sarovar was constructed in 1581 by Ram Das, the fourth Sikh guru.
The tank was lined and the shrine completed by the fifth guru, Arjan
Dev, in 1601. By that time, the Sikh congregation had grown large enough
for the Mughal emperor Jehangir to see Guru Arjan as a threat to his
sovereignty. He was arrested in 1606, and tortured to death when he
refused to convert to Islam. For his followers, this first martyrdom in
their incipient faith would become the paradigm for Sikhismâs
relationship with the durbar in Delhi.
The sixth guru, Hargobind, donned two swords to represent a change in
the nature of his leadershipâhe would be not only a spiritual guide to
his disciples (piri), but also a preceptor in their temporal lives (miri). The weapons form Sikhismâs central symbol, the khandaâa
pair of linked swords. The guru ensured the same symbolism was
reflected in the architecture of the Darbar Sahib. Across from the
causeway, facing the central shrine, which represents spiritual
authority, he constructed the building known as the Akal Takht, the
timeless throne, from where he administered justice like any temporal
authority.
Once the line of living gurus ended with Guru Gobind Singh in 1708, this authority over the Sikhs came to be vested in the jathedar,
or custodian, of the Akal Takht. Through the eighteenth century, as
centralised authority broke down in the Punjab, the Sikhs grew in
strength. Dispersed, led by various men, groups of Sikh warriors would
gather periodically at the Akal Takht to plan and direct their course of
action. Those seeking to contain them would target the Harmandir Sahib
and the Akal Takht.
Each person who has desecrated the shrine occupies an oversize space
in the collective memory of the community. Every Sikh can recount the
story of Massa Rangar, who was appointed the kotwal or ruler of
Amritsar in 1740 and proceeded to host nautch parties in the Harmandir
Sahib, having first removed the holy book, the Guru Granth Sahib, from
its place. He was beheaded by two Sikhs, Mehtab and Sukha Singh, who
claimed to be revenue officers coming to deposit a large sum of money.
Even better known is the story of a defender of the faith, Baba Deep
Singh. In 1757, the Afghan emperor Ahmad Shah Abdali, having sacked
Delhi for the fourth time, was waylaid by a Sikh contingent near
Kurukshetra. Angered, he left his son Taimur Shah behind as the governor
of Lahore to take care of this menace. Taimur demolished the Harmandir
Sahib, but the seventy-five-year-old Deep Singh led a contingent of five
hundred Sikhs to take back the complex. By the time he neared Amritsar,
their number had swelled to five thousand. Clashing with a much larger
Afghan army, Deep Singh was injured by a blow to the neck, but continued
to fight his way to the Darbar Sahib, eventually succumbing to his
injuries by the sarovar. On the parikrama, the spot where he is believed
to have fallen is marked by a portrait of him carrying his decapitated
head in one hand, still holding a sword aloft in the other.
The martyrdom of Baba Deep Singh resonates through Sikh history. Two
centuries later, in June 1984, when the Indian Army went into the Darbar
Sahib on orders from prime minister Indira Gandhi, it was to disarm and
dislodge Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, who according to tradition was the
fourteenth head of the Damdami Taksaal, an orthodox Sikh seminary once
headed, it is said, by Deep Singh. In the mythology of a faith where the
stories of Massa Rangar and Deep Singh arouse intense and contrary
emotions, Sikhs memorialised both Bhindranwale and Gandhi in accordance
with the roles they had assumedâone the defender, the other a
desecrator.
The trajectory of those two lives, both of which ended violently
thirty years ago, intersected for the first time in 1977, when
Bhindranwale assumed charge of the Damdami Taksaal, and Gandhi was swept
out of power after the Emergency. Nowhere was Gandhiâs decision to
suspend the constitution as strongly contested as in Punjab, and no
party resisted it with quite the ferocity of the Akali Dal, which
represented Sikh interests in the state. Over the next seven years,
Gandhi, Bhindranwale and the Akali Dal would lead three fronts in a
battle in which they faced off, realigned with and schemed against each
other until the very end.
From the moment an Akali Dal government, in alliance with the Janata
Party and the Communist Party of India (Marxist), took charge of Punjab
in 1977, Gandhiâs politics were guided by her desire to cut the Akalis
down to size. The execution of her wishes was left to her son, Sanjay
Gandhi, and her loyalist, the canny Sikh politician Giani Zail Singh,
who chose Bhindranwale as their weapon. Bhindranwale saw no reason to
refuse their aid; any support for his brand of Sikh orthodoxy was
welcome.
By the time the Congress returned to power in the state in 1980,
Bhindranwale was well on his way to becoming a popular icon,
accumulating so much power that the Akalis, whom he was supposed to be
undermining, ended up turning to him for help. He became the dominant
political force in Punjab: by 1983, he was running a parallel state from
within the Darbar Sahib complex, handing down death sentences and
dispensing rough justice before adoring supplicants. Even the policemen
in Punjab tasked with arresting him were reduced to seeking his
protection.
Bluestar, the military operation to remove Bhindranwale from the
Darbar Sahib, ended this regimeâbut at the cost of hundreds of lives,
and the credibility of the Indian Army, which subsequently had to deal
with mutinous troops for the first time in the history of independent
India. Although the action has been examined in close detail in the
years following the attack, the lack of planning and intelligence, and
the hurry to carry it out, have never been properly explained.
In February this year, the declassification of intelligence documents
in the UK revealed information about a commando operation inside the
Darbar Sahib that was planned but never executed. Given this evidence, I
revisited several people who had witnessed the events leading up to
Operation Bluestar. In light of these interviews, it is possible to
assemble a more coherent picture than ever before of the Gandhi familyâs
political calculations, which were central to the nature of the final
operation. The dismal story of Bluestar had been set on its tracks by
Sanjay Gandhi, but it now appears that its disastrous conclusion was the
work of his brother Rajiv, who swept to power with the biggest mandate
in Indian history following his motherâs assassination. Operation
Bluestar was not just Indira Gandhiâs last battle; it was the first, and
perhaps the most disastrous, of Rajivâs blunders.
By the time the smoke cleared over the Darbar Sahib, hundreds of
innocent bystanders had died. Bhindranwale lay murdered, and the Akal
Takht, where he had set up his final defiance of Delhi, stood shattered.
The operation was followed by the assassination of Indira Gandhi by her
Sikh bodyguards, and the organised massacre of thousands of Sikhs by
Hindu mobs, led mainly by Congress politicians. In Punjab, militancy
against the Indian state reached levels unprecedented in the years
before Bluestar; it took a decade for a semblance of peace to return.
Over the last thirty years, the debate over Bluestar has played out
between two extreme points of view: that of radicals in Punjab and
abroad, who dwell on the Congressâs role while overlooking
Bhindranwaleâs complicity, and that of people in the rest of India, who
tend to focus on Bhindranwale with little sense of the Congressâs
contribution to the tragedy. Many Indians may believe the events of that
June can be consigned to the history books, but their memory remains
alive in Punjab. Many Sikhs continue to view the operation, and the
figure of Bhindranwale, in a markedly different light from the rest of
the country. Without understanding how such distinct perspectives came
to exist, it may be impossible to come to terms with the history of
Bluestar.
– See more at: http://www.caravanmagazine.in/print/4423#sthash.VRumZKHB.dpuf
Following the Punjab insurgency, which extended from the early 1980s to
the mid 1990s, the number of pilgrims to the Darbar Sahib has increased
rapidly. The queues to enter the shrine now extend beyond the causeway; but the
sense of quiet calm remains, though it is at odds with the shrineâs history.
Perhaps no place of worship so central to a major religion in India has seen as
much violence within its premises.
….
The sarovar was constructed in 1581 by Ram Das, the fourth Sikh guru.
The tank was lined and the shrine completed by the fifth guru, Arjan Dev, in
1601. By that time, the Sikh congregation had grown large enough for the Mughal
emperor Jehangir to see Guru Arjan as a threat to his sovereignty. He was
arrested in 1606, and tortured to death when he refused to convert to Islam.
For his followers, this first martyrdom in their incipient faith would become
the paradigm for Sikhismâs relationship with the durbar in Delhi.
…
The sixth guru, Hargobind, donned two swords to represent a change in
the nature of his leadershipâhe would be not only a spiritual guide to his
disciples (piri), but also a preceptor in their temporal lives (miri).
…
The weapons form Sikhismâs central symbol, the khandaâa pair of linked
swords. The guru ensured the same symbolism was reflected in the architecture
of the Darbar Sahib. Across from the causeway, facing the central shrine, which
represents spiritual authority, he constructed the building known as the Akal
Takht, the timeless throne, from where he administered justice like any
temporal authority.
Once the line of living gurus ended with Guru Gobind Singh in 1708, this
authority over the Sikhs came to be vested in the jathedar, or custodian, of
the Akal Takht. Through the eighteenth century, as centralised authority broke
down in the Punjab, the Sikhs grew in strength. Dispersed, led by various men,
groups of Sikh warriors would gather periodically at the Akal Takht to plan and
direct their course of action. Those seeking to contain them would target the
Harmandir Sahib and the Akal Takht.
…
Each person who has desecrated the shrine occupies an oversize space in
the collective memory of the community. Every Sikh can recount the story of
Massa Rangar, who was appointed the kotwal or ruler of Amritsar in 1740 and
proceeded to host nautch parties in the Harmandir Sahib, having first removed
the holy book, the Guru Granth Sahib, from its place. He was beheaded by two
Sikhs, Mehtab and Sukha Singh, who claimed to be revenue officers coming to
deposit a large sum of money.
…
Even better known is the story of a defender of the faith, Baba Deep
Singh. In 1757, the Afghan emperor Ahmad Shah Abdali, having sacked Delhi for
the fourth time, was waylaid by a Sikh contingent near Kurukshetra. Angered, he
left his son Taimur Shah behind as the governor of Lahore to take care of this
menace.
…
Taimur demolished the Harmandir Sahib, but the seventy-five-year-old
Deep Singh led a contingent of five hundred Sikhs to take back the complex. By
the time he neared Amritsar, their number had swelled to five thousand. Clashing
with a much larger Afghan army, Deep Singh was injured by a blow to the neck,
but continued to fight his way to the Darbar Sahib, eventually succumbing to
his injuries by the sarovar. On the parikrama, the spot where he is believed to
have fallen is marked by a portrait of him carrying his decapitated head in one
hand, still holding a sword aloft in the other.
….
The martyrdom of Baba Deep Singh resonates through Sikh history. Two
centuries later, in June 1984, when the Indian Army went into the Darbar Sahib
on orders from prime minister Indira Gandhi, it was to disarm and dislodge
Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, who according to tradition was the fourteenth head
of the Damdami Taksaal, an orthodox Sikh seminary once headed, it is said, by
Deep Singh.
…
In the mythology of a faith where the stories of Massa Rangar and Deep
Singh arouse intense and contrary emotions, Sikhs memorialised both
Bhindranwale and Gandhi in accordance with the roles they had assumedâone the
defender, the other a desecrator.
…
The trajectory of those two lives, both of which ended violently thirty
years ago, intersected for the first time in 1977, when Bhindranwale assumed
charge of the Damdami Taksaal, and Gandhi was swept out of power after the
Emergency. Nowhere was Gandhiâs decision to suspend the constitution as
strongly contested as in Punjab, and no party resisted it with quite the
ferocity of the Akali Dal, which represented Sikh interests in the state.
…
Over the next seven years, Gandhi, Bhindranwale and the Akali Dal would
lead three fronts in a battle in which they faced off, realigned with and
schemed against each other until the very end.
….
From the moment an Akali Dal government, in alliance with the Janata
Party and the Communist Party of India (Marxist), took charge of Punjab in
1977, Gandhiâs politics were guided by her desire to cut the Akalis down to
size. The execution of her wishes was left to her son,
Sanjay Gandhi, and her loyalist, the canny Sikh politician Giani Zail Singh,
who chose Bhindranwale as their weapon. Bhindranwale saw no reason to refuse
their aid; any support for his brand of Sikh orthodoxy was welcome.
….
By the time the Congress returned to power in the state in 1980,
Bhindranwale was well on his way to becoming a popular icon, accumulating so
much power that the Akalis, whom he was supposed to be undermining, ended up
turning to him for help. He became the dominant political force in Punjab: by
1983, he was running a parallel state from within the Darbar Sahib complex,
handing down death sentences and dispensing rough justice before adoring
supplicants. Even the policemen in Punjab tasked with arresting him were
reduced to seeking his protection.
…
Bluestar, the military operation to remove Bhindranwale from the Darbar
Sahib, ended this regimeâbut at the cost of hundreds of lives, and the
credibility of the Indian Army, which subsequently had to deal with mutinous
troops for the first time in the history of independent India. Although
the action has been examined in close detail in the years following the attack,
the lack of planning and intelligence, and the hurry to carry it out, have
never been properly explained.
….
In February this year, the declassification of intelligence documents in
the UK revealed information about a commando operation inside the Darbar Sahib
that was planned but never executed. Given this evidence, I revisited several
people who had witnessed the events leading up to Operation Bluestar. In light
of these interviews, it is possible to assemble a more coherent picture than
ever before of the Gandhi familyâs political calculations, which were central
to the nature of the final operation.
….
The dismal story of Bluestar had been set on its tracks by Sanjay
Gandhi, but it now appears that its disastrous conclusion was the work of his
brother Rajiv, who swept to power with the biggest mandate in Indian history
following his motherâs assassination.
….
Operation Bluestar was not just Indira Gandhiâs last battle; it was the
first, and perhaps the most disastrous, of Rajivâs blunders.
…
By the time the smoke cleared over the Darbar Sahib, hundreds of
innocent bystanders had died.
….
Bhindranwale lay murdered, and the Akal Takht, where he had set up his
final defiance of Delhi, stood shattered. The operation was followed by the
assassination of Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards, and the organised
massacre of thousands of Sikhs by Hindu mobs, led mainly by Congress
politicians. In Punjab, militancy against the Indian state reached levels
unprecedented in the years before Bluestar; it took a decade for a semblance of
peace to return.
….
Over the last thirty years, the debate over Bluestar has played out
between two extreme points of view: that of radicals in Punjab and abroad, who
dwell on the Congressâs role while overlooking Bhindranwaleâs complicity, and
that of people in the rest of India, who tend to focus on Bhindranwale with
little sense of the Congressâs contribution to the tragedy.
….
Many Indians may believe the events of that June can be consigned to the
history books, but their memory remains alive in Punjab.
Many Sikhs continue
to view the operation, and the figure of Bhindranwale, in a markedly different
light from the rest of the country. Without understanding how such distinct
perspectives came to exist, it may be impossible to come to terms with the
history of Bluestar
…….
Link: http://www.caravanmagazine.in/print/4423#sthash.VRumZKHB.dpuf
…………..
regards




