What Was the Point of Israel’s Iran Strike?

The Limits of Provocation

At some point, the world will have to ask: what exactly was Israel hoping to achieve?

In the days following the dramatic escalation between Tel Aviv and Tehran, we are left not with clarity but with a deepening sense of confusion. If the intention was to disrupt Iran’s nuclear program, there is little to show for it—centrifuges still spin, scientists remain in place, and the infrastructure of Iran’s deterrent capability stands unshaken. If the aim was to trigger chaos within the Iranian regime, then that too has failed—Tehran did not descend into disarray; it retaliated, measured and intact. And if the goal was symbolic, to remind the world of Israel’s reach and resolve, then the moment has already passed, clouded by questions of proportionality, legality, and consequence.

For all the fire and fury, the strike landed with the strategic weight of a gesture.

Trump’s Brake: From War-Starter to War-Manager

In a moment few would have predicted even a year ago, Donald Trump—long cast as the great destabilizer in American politics—emerged as the unlikely arbiter of restraint in the most dangerous U.S.–Middle East crisis in decades. As Israel launched a high-risk wave of strikes across Iranian territory, including direct hits on radar installations and nuclear infrastructure, it was Trump who abruptly intervened. From the NATO summit stage and via an all-caps post on Truth Social—“ISRAEL. DO NOT DROP THOSE BOMBS. BRING YOUR PILOTS HOME, NOW!”—he drew a bright, if temporary, line against further escalation.

Yet this was no mere performative tweet. Trump personally telephoned Prime Minister Netanyahu, directed a freeze on Israeli sorties already in the air, and announced a phased ceasefire—with Iran first, then Israel—a sequence brokered with the help of Qatar. He enforced it not with idealism but with forceful pragmatism, reportedly using expletives and ultimatums behind closed doors when both parties violated the terms in the hours that followed. Though the U.S. had just executed “Operation Midnight Hammer,” deploying B‑2 bombers and bunker-busting payloads on Iranian nuclear sites, Trump’s messaging pivoted swiftly: declare victory, freeze the war, contain the damage.

What emerged from this episode was a profound irony. The man who had campaigned on tearing up the Iran deal and led chants of “bomb them,” was now the very actor pulling the plug on Netanyahu’s decades-long campaign to drag Washington into a full-scale war. It was not liberal diplomats or think tank restraint caucuses that interrupted the Israeli war machine—it was MAGA itself, exhausted by foreign adventures and deeply wary of entanglements that offer spectacle but no security.

This episode revealed a crack in the foundation of Netanyahu’s strategic doctrine: for thirty years he has counted on unwavering American escalation. But in this new political moment—where the populist right is more interested in nation-building at home than regime change abroad—he may find that old promises no longer hold. Worse, Trump’s public theatrics and contradictory posture—striking, then restraining—exposed just how little control even a superpower retains once the fires are lit.

For Israel, the lesson was bitter: Washington might still fight your war, but not on your timeline. And not, perhaps, to your end.

A Doctrine Three Decades in the Making

Jeffrey Sachs, in his sweeping indictment of Israel’s strategic doctrine, reminds us that this is not a crisis born overnight. Since the early 1990s, Netanyahu has followed a clear trajectory: neutralize regional adversaries, eliminate Iran’s deterrent capabilities, and draw the United States into a final confrontation that would permanently alter the regional balance of power. Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Sudan—each strike, each assassination, each cyber-attack has been a step along this path. But Iran was always the endgame. The crown. The final domino.

And yet, every attempt to trigger that decisive showdown has only exposed Israel’s limitations. Not its resolve, which is undeniable—but its capacity to shape outcomes in a world that no longer runs on unipolar time.

Mossad’s Overreach, MAGA’s Rejection

In chilling detail, leaked communications revealed Mossad operatives threatening Iranian officers with violence against their families, demanding surrender videos to stage regime collapse. And yet the regime did not collapse. The Islamic Republic, battered and imperfect, stood firm.

Meanwhile, the American public—especially on the populist right—asked an inconvenient question: What for?

This wasn’t 2003. There was no phantom WMD, no illusion of a cakewalk. No Colin Powell moment. Just a nuclear-armed state bombing another sovereign country and daring the world to blink.

And for once, the world did not.

Iran: Too Rooted to Crack

Calls for Iran’s fragmentation misunderstand the nature of the Iranian state. Unlike the artificial constructs of the colonial era, Iran is not a patchwork hastily stitched by outsiders—it is the heir of imperial lineages stretching from Cyrus to the Safavids. Its ethnic heterogeneity is real, but so too is its institutional cohesion: an integrated bureaucracy, a deeply embedded clerical state, and a national identity anchored in a shared Shi’a framework that spans both Persian and non-Persian populations. Even figures at the top—Khamenei, Pezeshkian, the last Shah—are themselves Azeris, reflecting the deep interweaving of minority elites within the state fabric. Iran is not Iraq; it is not Yugoslavia; and the fantasy that it might unravel under pressure is less strategy than delusion. Its discontent is cyclical, not centrifugal. And though the Islamic Republic may fall, Iran itself—as a nation, as a polity, as a civilization—almost certainly will not.

Multipolar Patience: Chess, Go, and Poker

Russia, always conscious of its image as a global spoiler, made its presence felt but quickly pulled back (Chess), signaling strength without overreach. China, playing the long game (Go) as ever, said little—but ensured everyone knew it was watching. The United States, true to form, shuffled its deck, bluffed loudly, and ultimately folded (Poker) when it realized it was playing with a hand too weak for the stakes on offer.

This isn’t the post-9/11 world. The Middle East is no longer a sandbox for American experimentation. The emerging world order—one defined by multipolarity, not hegemony—has begun to enforce ceilings. Even for Israel.

A Crack in the Iron Dome of Narrative

Perhaps the most revealing development came not from the skies above the Middle East, but from the ballots cast in New York City. In what could only be described as a political earthquake, Zohran Mamdani—a 33-year-old democratic socialist, Indian-Ugandan immigrant, and unapologetically pro-Palestinian candidate—took the lead in the Democratic primary for mayor in what is perhaps the most Jewish city on Earth.

Cuomo, once the embodiment of centrist power and Wall Street consensus, conceded with grace but not illusion: “Tonight is his night. He won.”

The symbolism could not have been sharper: in the very week of Israel’s most aggressive regional campaign in decades, a practicing Muslim with the surname Mamdani surged past the establishment in a city long considered a bastion of pro-Israel political orthodoxy. This was not merely an electoral upset—it was a rupture in the moral consensus. A signal that younger, multiracial, digitally native Americans are no longer beholden to AIPAC talking points, nor intimidated by the rhetorical policing of criticism as antisemitism.

But Mamdani’s ascent also reflects a quieter, more intimate fault line—one that runs not through party platforms but through families, civilizations, and inheritances. His mother, Mira Nair, gave us Monsoon Wedding—a masterpiece of high-cultural desiness, drenched in the aesthetics of the South Delhi and animated by a feminist but unmistakably Hindu civilizational warmth. Her son, though proudly “South Asian,” is not the continuation of that world but a break from it. A product of interfaith union, he has chosen a faith, a political identity, and a cultural discourse that, for all its eloquence and justice-orientation, sits firmly outside the civilizational grammar his mother helped bring to global recognition.

In that sense, he is proof—however unconsciously—that love across lines often culminates not in synthesis, but in defection. His Persianate Shi’ite Faith is clear (Twelverism is essentially an Iranian affair), his Hindi video persuasive (and so is his Spanish), but the deeper register of high Sanskritic culture—its poetics, its metaphysics, its silent codes—is absent. That is not a flaw; it is simply a reality. A new alignment. A signal of which stories now win hearts—and which ones are receding from memory.

The Beltway may still worship the myths of Entebbe and Osirak.

But Brooklyn has moved on—and so, it seems, have some of its sons.

India’s Parallel Path: Sentiment Over Strategy

It is worth noting that Israel is not alone in its descent into emotionally-driven decision-making. India, too, finds itself reacting with ever-increasing theatricality to perceived threats—projecting power, yes, but often without strategic payoff. In both cases, a deeper pathology is evident: nationalism untethered from pragmatism, hawkishness detached from horizon-thinking. Projection replaces policy, and ego replaces expertise.

And when perception flips—as it now has—it does so with unforgiving speed.

The Myth Fractures

Israel’s aura of invincibility, long nurtured through surgical strikes and global silence, has cracked. The world has seen a nuclear-armed state bomb six countries in a single week, including one that retaliated in kind. The veneer of impunity has thinned. The era when Tel Aviv could act as it pleased, buffered by Washington’s veto and Europe’s complicity, is nearing its end.

This is not to deny Israel’s power. But power is not the same as persuasion. And it is certainly not the same as permanence.

What Peace Requires—and Why It’s Possible

As Sachs rightly notes, the path to peace is neither abstract nor naïve. It lies in the documents the world has already authored:

• End the occupation.

• Recognize Palestine.

• Uphold international law.

This is not a utopian fantasy—it is the bare minimum standard of postwar diplomacy. And if Trump is indeed chasing a Nobel, this is the only door left open to him.

The question is not whether peace is possible. It is whether it will be chosen.

In Sacred Time: June 23rd, 155 Years Later

And then, beyond geopolitics, beyond missiles and mayors, a stranger coincidence whispered through history.

On June 23rd, 1870, Mirza Mihdi—the son of Bahá’u’lláh, imprisoned in the fortress city of Acre—fell through a skylight and lay dying. His father, the Prophet-Founder of the Bahá’í Faith & Manifestation for this Age of human history, offered him healing. But the son refused. “Let my life be the price,” he said, “for the gates of this prison to open.” And soon after, those gates did in the months that followed as Bahá’ís were once again allow to visit Bahá’u’lláh after a long period of absence.

But again on June 23rd, 2025—155 years to the tragic day—the gates of Iran’s most notorious prison, Evin, were blasted open. Where generations of Bahá’ís, activists, poets, and students have suffered in silence, the walls trembled. Whether by fire or fate, something moved.

If it is too much to claim divine causality, then what of Albert Schweitzer’s remark “coincidence is God’s way of remaining anonymous.” But too precise to ignore. Some dates shimmer. Some wounds echo across time. And some acts of sacrifice ripple longer than missiles ever will.

Because heaven remembers—long after the world forgets.

5 1 vote
Article Rating
24 Comments
Oldest
Newest Most Voted
Inline Feedbacks
View all comments
sbarrkum
5 months ago

Love this sentences

It was not liberal diplomats or think tank restraint caucuses that interrupted the Israeli war machine—it was MAGA itself, exhausted by foreign adventures and deeply wary of entanglements that offer spectacle but no security.

For Israel, the lesson was bitter: Washington might still fight your war, but not on your timeline. And not, perhaps, to your end.

Nice article, lots of detail I was not aware of.
eg Azeris and Mira Nair

Will reead again and do excertps and blog/fb post

sbarrkum
5 months ago

Meanwhile a read from a former Wall Street Trader. Like I have mentioned before they incisive and see the costs.

Sumarizes estimates of the many substantial hard dollar costs Israel incurred in its Iran misadventure, also with economic losses that have a much longer tail, such as the loss of venture capital, since no investor with an operating brain cell wants to operate out of a conflict zone. As most readers know, a significant majority of experts and other commentators see the cessation of hostilities as temporary and expect more kinetic action, as in more destruction.

Tallying the Costs to Israel of Its Failed Iran Regime Change Operation
https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2025/06/tallying-the-costs-to-israel-of-its-failed-iran-regime-change-operation.html

Last edited 5 months ago by sbarrkum
phyecho1
phyecho1
5 months ago

“The question is not whether peace is possible. It is whether it will be chosen.”
India is not emotional, it used to be, hence pakistan could keep attacking India with its jihad, And Indians would still try to seek peace, repeatedly both parties in India tried to seriously engage in peace, even on kashmir considered autonomy . You have nawaz sharif himself admit this that the mistake was done from the pakistani side first. You have a funny understanding of peace where israel and India should accept jihadi attacks on their civilians repeatedly and accept that with resignation and call it peace. Because that is the provocation that gets them to now think of a way to retaliate hard. You have no idea of how the recent terror attack has united India as a whole to look for ways to hurt pakistan. India’s new doctrine now is to consider any terror attack as an act of war by pakistan and will seek measure to hurt back. As to mamdani winning in usa. The reality of islamic fundamentalism has always been that US universities and liberals dont have a clue what it is , so could pretend otherwise. Once america has sufficient muslims and bring their fundamentalism in to america. It will become crystal clear , the problem is theology itself. This is victory, true victory is the death of delusion. Western liberals, western white women could afford delusions because they dont face the costs and consequences of their delusion, once enough muslims get into america, Then we will see the consequences. Already, sweden,denmark and soon uk and france and italy are getting there. Along with rise of AI, many liberal lies will come to an end. The problem itself maybe overcome in more peaceful ways, Because costs of peace will now have to be borne by the deluded.All this talk of Iran as a civilization. Iran used to be a civilization when it was zoroastrian, It is not a civilization anymore. Islam has a funny way, it considers those of otherfaith and what came before it as filth but when it suits it, it tries to use the other mask.There is nothing in iran except the intelligence of some of its people that connects it to the civilization that was brutally murdered.

phyecho1
phyecho1
5 months ago
Reply to  X.T.M

It is a theocracy in 21st century, punishing women for not wearing hijab. Do you even know what a civilization is?. You of all people should know, the place where you can breathe freely irrespective of your religion. All else is a hellscape. Or you can prove otherwise by going there and living there. If you aint willing to live there , learn not to argue.We live in world where many people are so deluded, they defend, argue because they have been gifted with literacy and degrees. Not knowing that civilization is where one can live and breathe freely. People defend the ugly hellscapes around the world precisely because they are safe in their little cocoons without having to pay the price. Pay the price and then you will cry with tears and kiss the ground you stand on and say,” Thank god, I have come to back civilization.”

Last edited 5 months ago by phyecho
phyecho1
phyecho1
5 months ago
Reply to  phyecho1

https://x.com/MonaChaudhryy/status/1938437600408207563 from the land of pakistan. ““Going to a park is ‘behayai’— a woman’s only halal journey is from home to grave.”

Jamat e Islami Bannu KPK, Pakistan.” Soon you will be calling pakistan also a civilization because there is hindustani classical music still there.

Kabir
5 months ago
Reply to  phyecho1

Jamat-e-Islami doesn’t represent Pakistan. It is a party that can’t even win elections.

Benazir Bhutto was the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Maryam Nawaz Sharif is the Chief Minister of the most populous province.

You can’t use random Twitter comments to generalize about an entire country. This is not good argumentation.

phyecho1
phyecho1
5 months ago
Reply to  Kabir

Pakistan is an islamic state where minority women are not allowed to live in Dignity. They are kidnapped , raped, forcefully married. From that land pakistani muslims carried on this tradition even in foreign countries like England now.This is a country that committed horrifc crimes of mass rapes and genocide in 1971 . Those who say we cannot generalize are also the very people who would never have predicted at such outcomes. You cannot predict the predictable evils that emerge from paklistani muslims, day after day, year after year, decade after decade. You will ofcourse try to confound people and say such generalizations should never be made.

The evidence is but clear to those who are moral, to be moral, one needs to call out evil. muslims do not possess this ability, they can fight the others, but evils within, they can never recognize nor fight. This is a country that belives in using jihadi terrorists fanatics as its state policy. People like Kabir count on the fact that most people dont know the full spectrum of evils that pakistan and muslims practice, so they lie through deceptions by saying things like “jamat e islami doesnt represent pakistan, you cannot generalize about entire country”.

. Kabir is a throughgoing Islamofascist and does his best in confounding and deceiving people away from this reality. All you need to do is test him, He can never hold the Muslim evils to account, can never be bothered by the evils they commit on non muslims. Never has he shown concerns about them . All he says is that this should not be generalized, but never will he confront or fight such evils.Is this not evil?. If everyone lived by this standard, you will see horrible evil people getting away scot free committing horrific deeds on the others.

Last edited 5 months ago by phyecho
Kabir
5 months ago
Reply to  phyecho1

You wrote a lot of words but you can’t deny the empirical point that Jamaat-e-Islami has barely any representation in the national or provincial assemblies. To be exact, the party has 1 seat in the Balochistan Assembly and 1 seat in the Sindh Assembly. It’s hardly a mainstream party.

You OK bro? You seem to have an obsession with Muslims.

phyecho1
phyecho1
5 months ago
Reply to  Kabir

Again, you are the one with the problem. Are you taking your medicines? . Must be hard to do soulless job everyday. The only empirical fact that matters is that pakistan itself is an islamofascist state. And yes, I get along quite well happily everyday cheerfully.

Last edited 5 months ago by phyecho
Kabir
5 months ago
Reply to  phyecho1

LOL! I’ve pointed out that Jamaat-e-Islami has barely any seats in any assemblies. You seem to have absolutely no sense of logic!

phyecho1
phyecho1
5 months ago
Reply to  Kabir

missing forest for the trees, thats all you can do, deflect from any accountability. Thats your modus operandi.

Last edited 5 months ago by phyecho
Kabir
5 months ago

Zohran is Mira Nair’s son but he is also equally Mahmood Mamdani’s son. While Nair is probably much more famous among desis, Mamdani is a great scholar. Since we are talking about Israel, his book Neither Settler nor Native is essential reading.

Mamdani differentiates between immigrants and settlers: “Immigrants are unarmed; settlers come armed with both weapons and a nationalist agenda. Immigrants come in search of a homeland, not a state; for settlers, there can be no homeland without a state. For the immigrant, the homeland can be shared; for the settler, the state must be a nation-state, a preserve of the nation in which all others are at most tolerated guests.”

The book draws on several case studies: the nineteenth century in the United States, which involved the dispossession of Native Americans and their concentration in Indian reservations; post-World War II Germany, in which he sees the Nuremberg trials as a failure that completed the Nazis’ project of separating Germans from Jews; the end of apartheid in South Africa; Sudan and South Sudan, which separated after a civil war; and Israel/Palestine. Of these, the one Mamdani prefers is South Africa which fits his model of rejecting the identities of settler and native in favor of becoming equal citizens, or “survivors”

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Neither_Settler_nor_Native

On Zohran’s religion: I assume that when Mira Nair married Mahmood Mamdani they must have discussed whether any future children would be raised Muslim or not. Also technically (in my understanding of Islamic law) any child of a Muslim father is considered Muslim by default, whether or not they choose to practice Islam.

Kabir
5 months ago
Reply to  X.T.M

I’m not really sure what you mean by this. Hinduism is a religion. If he doesn’t believe in that religion (since he’s a Shia Muslim) I’m not sure how exactly you expect him to showcase his “Hindu heritage”?

It doesn’t seem like Mira Nair was ever a practicing Hindu in the first place (correct me if I’m wrong). Otherwise, presumably she would have fought harder against her kid being raised Shia.

Zohran seems very comfortable with being Indian. He speaks Urdu/Hindi, wears shalwar kameez, uses Bollywood references in his campaign. As for “Hindu”, clearly he doesn’t identify with that. I personally don’t see it as too much of an issue.

phyecho1
phyecho1
5 months ago
Reply to  X.T.M

That is how civilizations end. All else is BS.

Kabir
5 months ago

An interesting podcast:

Israel, Zohran Mamdani and the coming class war|Norman Finkelstein|The Big Picture

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JADy940qXHY

Kabir
5 months ago

An interesting article about why (some) Indians don’t consider Zohran Mamdani to be Indian since he is not Hindu:

“What Zohran Mamdani Teaches the Indian Political Discourse”
By Sarayu Pani
https://thewire.in/politics/what-zohran-mamdani-teaches-the-indian-political-discourse

Zohran Mamdani, who describes himself as being of South Asian origin, has been difficult for the Indian public discourse to typecast. His mother, filmmaker Mira Nair, is a Hindu of Indian origin whose films are well known and critically lauded in India. A recipient of the Padma Bhushan, India’s second highest civilian honour, Nair’s 1988 Hindi film, Salaam Bombay was India’s official entry at the Oscars for Best Foreign Language Film. Mamdani’s charismatic campaign advertisements, sprinkled with Bollywood flair, dialogue and music references, also strike the perfect media savvy chord. On the other hand, Mamdani’s outspokenness on Modi and the Babri Masjid and his general unwillingness to either recognise or operate within the narrow discursive boundaries that are set for Indian Muslims in secular spaces here has drawn liberal ire as well. It is particularly telling that Abhishek Manu Singhvi, a spokesperson for the avowedly secular Congress, instinctively framed his criticisms of Mamdani in language that has for generations been used to discipline Indian Muslims and other minorities who stray from the course – an accusation of serving Pakistani interests.

phyecho1
phyecho1
5 months ago
Reply to  Kabir

There goes kabir, talking all things outside of pakistans hellscape. And has been given authors privileges?.

phyecho1
phyecho1
5 months ago

XTM, You have given a genocide denier , islamofascist like Kabir author privileges.

Kishore Kumar
Kishore Kumar
5 months ago

A F-15 sortie from Israel will cost ~$500K to drop ~8-10K lbs of munition on Iran. So about 50K per 1000lb. Iranian missile warheads are what? 1000 lbs? maybe 2500 lbs each? with western EW, pretty sure no meaningful terminal guidance. The cost per unit would still be $ 1-2 million, lets go with $ 1.5 million a pop. Israel wins by an order of magnitude in value.

~ 50 Arrows 2/3 were used by Israel.

Let us say they cost $2.5 million a pop. So, Israel lost ~$1 million in trying to intercept a $1.5 million missile. ~$50 million, worst case math scenario ~$100 million loss in interception.

The math becomes bad because Americans used ~40 of their overpriced THAADs that cost a mind numbing $12-13 million.

I will defer to others for the infra and insurance losses. But just because Iran has nothing ‘insured’ doesn’t mean their losses cheap. Nakedcapitalism link is full of factual mistakes and terse convenient interpretations backed by trust me bro. Israeli PM should should show ME the centrifuges under the rubble or else it was a Iranian decoy. ‘still let 400 warheads through’ LoL what!

Beyond literal consumables, indigenous weapons expenses are not really lost money.

Brown Pundits