The Evolution of Hindustani Classical Music in Pakistan Since 1947

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This article was originally published in Economic and Political Weekly in July 2022.  The essay is adapted from my M.Mus Dissertation entitled “A New Explanation For the Decline of Hindustani Music in Pakistan”.  The dissertation was recently published in book form (Lahore: Aks Publications 2024)

I am posting an excerpt from the essay here. To read more go to: https://www.epw.in/engage/article/evolution-hindustani-classical-music-pakistan-1947

The 1947 partition of British India on religious lines significantly impacted Hindustani classical music in the parts of the colony that became modern Pakistan.  There is a consensus that, since the creation of the country, Hindustani classical music has declined in Pakistan.  Various reasons for this decline have been theorised: the contested status of music in Islam, Pakistan’s search for a national identity distinct from India’s, and the loss of patronage. In this paper, I trace the evolution of music in Pakistan since 1947, focusing mainly on the adaptive strategies employed by gharana musicians to continue performing within the new societal constraints. These adaptations include focusing on the less problematic genre of ghazal rather than khayal and fusing elements of Western pop into local styles (as exemplified by Coke Studio).  

It is widely accepted that the classical aspect of Hindustani music (khayal, dhrupad) has declined in the parts of British India now comprising Pakistan. Before 1947, Lahore was renowned as a major cultural metropolis whose centrality in the world of Hindustani music has been well documented (Saeed 2008) and also narrated in the documentary Khayal Darpan (Saeed 2008b) by surviving musicians of the time. Now the city finds no mention aside from its historical eminence. This note traces how the core of that tradition has evolved Continue reading The Evolution of Hindustani Classical Music in Pakistan Since 1947

Hindutva Music: Didi Maa Sadhvi Ritambhara As an Example of a Female Sadhu

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(This essay was originally submitted  in 2018 as part of the coursework for my M.Mus in Ethnomusicology at SOAS, University of London . I was reminded of it recently when I came across Professor Brahma Prakash’s article on Scroll.in entitled “Why the toxic beats of ‘Disc Jockey Hindutva’ are so dangerous for India”

Unfortunately, the YouTube video analyzed in the piece no longer seems to be on the site.  I hope the essay can still stand on its own merits. I will include a representative YouTube video of Didi Maa at the end of the essay.) 

Bhajan is the major genre of devotional singing in Hinduism. It is a loosely structured song, usually performed in regional languages. It can be sung by an individual or by a congregation.  Themes typically include ideas from scriptures, the teachings of saints and loving devotion to a deity.

Since I am from a South Asian background, I am familiar with bhajans. However, I have previously approached them through Hindustani classical music, in which the focus is on aesthetic beauty and using the bhajan’s lyrics to develop the raga. In a devotional context, in contrast, the words and the message of the bhajan can often be more important than the musical content.

In this essay, I will discuss Didi Maa Sadhvi Ritambhara’s performance of a Krishna bhajan “Aaj Gopal Raas Ras”, and compare her to the female sadhus studied by Antoinette Elizabeth DeNapoli in her monograph Real Sadhus Sing to God: Gender, Asceticism and Vernacular Religion in Rajasthan (Oxford University Press 2014) .  One of the major contrasts is that Didi Maa is involved in Hindutva politics, which would seem to contradict the role of the sadhu as someone who has renounced worldly life.  DeNapoli’s informants, on the other hand, are focused on singing to god as a way of serving humanity through seva.  Continue reading Hindutva Music: Didi Maa Sadhvi Ritambhara As an Example of a Female Sadhu

What’s holding women back from ‘decent work’ in Pakistan? (Hint: It’s not skills)

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From DAWN

Nida Kirmani is the Associate Professor of Sociology in the School of Humanities and Social Sciences at LUMS. She has published widely on issues related to gender, Islam, women’s movements, development and urban studies in South Asia. Her book Questioning ‘the Muslim Woman’: Identity and Insecurity in an Urban Indian Locality was published in 2013 by Routledge.

Some excerpts:

Too often, interventions aimed at women’s empowerment and gender equality have focused almost exclusively on women — placing the burden of change disproportionately on their shoulders. But perhaps one reason so many gender-related indicators have stagnated — or even regressed — over the past two decades is that women have already changed as much as they can on their own. For gender equality to be fully realised, including the equal right to decent work, men will have to change too. here is an urgent need to shift focus toward men and masculinities, and to challenge entrenched ideas about gender roles more broadly, if we are to dismantle the structural barriers limiting women’s economic participation.

At the root of women’s low labour force participation and limited access to decent work lie deeply entrenched patriarchal attitudes. They promote the idea that a woman’s primary source of fulfilment is motherhood, encouraging her withdrawal from the workforce after marriage. Such ideas also fuel discriminatory practices in the workplace, where women are seen as less committed or reliable due to their family responsibilities.

Moreover, they contribute to a lack of political will to support women’s employment through essential measures like affordable and safe public transport, accessible childcare, and both maternal and paternal leave — policies that are crucial for enabling women to participate in decent work and for encouraging shared household responsibilities.

This is why attitudinal change must be placed at the heart of the gender equality agenda. It also helps explain why education alone has not been enough to guarantee women’s labour force participation. We must ask: What kind of education are children receiving? Are they being encouraged to question traditional gender roles, or are girls simply being educated to become better wives and mothers? Are boys and men being taught that they, too, must change? Of course, this is easier said than done.

Cultural change is a complicated, slow and difficult process, but it’s also central to removing the barriers to women’s empowerment. Apart from adding gender to school curricula, governments should engage in public education campaigns through the media and community organisations to challenge conservative ideas around gender.

 

 

 

Kabir Oral Traditions in the Indian Subcontinent

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This essay was originally submitted as part of the coursework for my M.Mus in Ethnomusicology at SOAS, University of London

Bhagat Kabir (c. 1440-c. 1518) is considered one of the major poet-saints of the Bhakti movement—a social reform movement arising in North India around the fifteenth century. Characterized by an emphasis on the individual believer and a disregard for caste and gender taboos, the movement often rejected Vedic rituals and focused on the individual’s loving relationship with a personally defined god.  This emphasis on love has clear parallels with Sufism, often seen as the mystical branch of Islam. It also later influenced Sikhism.

In contrast to other Bhakti poets such as Surdas and Meerabai—whose works can be placed squarely within the Hindu fold, often addressed to particular gods such as Krishna—Kabir’s poetry cannot be so neatly demarcated.  He questioned the rituals of both Islam and Hinduism and was devoted to a nirgun (formless) deity, often addressed as “Ram”.  According to Professor Harbans Mukhia: “In place of Allah and Ishwar he conceptualized a single universal God; in place of denominational religions he conceptualized a universal religiosity” (Mukhia 2018).  This distance from the orthodoxy of both traditions perhaps explains why Kabir is revered by Hindus and Muslims across the Indian subcontinent. Some of his poetry is even included in the Guru Granth Sahib, Sikhism’s holiest scripture.  In an era in which South Asia has experienced increasing polarization along sectarian lines, it is instructive to more closely examine this unique figure who served as a bridge between communities.

In her article “Kabir’s Rough Rhetoric”, Professor Linda Hess notes that Kabir can be described as the most personal of the Bhakti poets. While Surdas and Meerabai primarily address God, Kabir mainly addresses the reader or listener.  The phrase “Kahai Kabira suno bhai sadho” (Kabir says listen sadho) “signifies Kabir’s passion to engage, wake people up, to affect them” (Hess 1987: 147).   His poetry is full of provocations, which often take the form of questions “designed to ruffle us up or draw us out” (149).

In this essay, I will discuss performative traditions of Kabir poetry in India and Pakistan, focusing on how it has been included in the folk music of both countries.  Of particular interest are the ways in which Kabir poetry serves as a means of Dalit—formerly known as “untouchable”—caste assertion and how it can be combined with the poetry of Sufi saints. Continue reading Kabir Oral Traditions in the Indian Subcontinent

The Construction of Femininity in Indian Vocal Music

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This essay was originally submitted as part of the coursework for my M.Mus in Ethnomusicology at SOAS, University of London

Musical genres and styles are often linked to gender roles. Different vocal qualities are associated with societal ideas about appropriate masculinity and femininity and then reflected in music. In recent decades, much ethnomusicological scholarship has focused on the gendered and constructed nature of the human voice.

In this essay, I will discuss the construction of femininity in Indian vocal music, both classical and popular. I will particularly focus on Lata Mangeshkar (1929-2022), one of India’s most popular playback singers who for decades held a virtual monopoly as the voice of the film heroine. Mangeshkar’s voice was associated with qualities such as innocence, purity and self-sacrifice, seen as those of the ideal Indian woman.

Representative image of tawaifs—the hereditary courtesan class of North India

Prior to the second half of the nineteenth century, the only Indian women who sang in public were those of the hereditary courtesan class. As a response to British colonialism, there was a concerted effort to cleanse music of its associations with “debauchery” and to create a space for “respectable” middle-class women to perform. This led to stylistic changes in several genres. For example, thumri—a genre of song and dance traditionally associated with courtesans—was de-eroticized and re-interpreted in a spiritual frame. Since dance in particular was associated with immorality, it was separated from music. Whereas the courtesan would accompany her singing with gestures, “respectable” female performers restricted themselves to singing. Continue reading The Construction of Femininity in Indian Vocal Music

Theater and Social Change in Pakistan: The Plays of Shahid Nadeem

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This review originally appeared on The South Asian Idea in July 2012

Art does not exist in a vacuum. The artist lives in a particular social context and his or her work reflects the era in which it was created. Artists have long been concerned with exploitation and injustice. Rather than have their work simply reflect the society around them, many artists wish to use their work to change conditions on the ground. For example, Bertolt Brecht (1898-1956) believed that plays should not cause spectators to identify emotionally with the characters on stage but should rather provoke rational self-reflection and a critical view of the onstage action. Thus, Brecht used techniques that would remind the audience that the play was a reflection of reality and not reality itself. By highlighting the constructed nature of the theatrical event, Brecht hoped to communicate to the audience that their reality was equally constructed, and thus changeable.

Two of Brecht’s most famous plays are The Threepenny Opera and The Good Person of Szechwan. Both these works reflect Brecht’s concerns with the exploitative nature of capitalism. The Threepenny Opera dramatizes the question: “Who is the greater criminal: he who robs a bank or he who founds one?” The Good Person of Szechwan is about a prostitute, Shen Te, who struggles to lead a life that is “good” without allowing herself to be trod upon and used by those who would accept and abuse her goodness. Her neighbors and friends prove so brutal in the filling of their bellies that Shen Te is forced to invent a male alter ego to protect herself, a cousin named Shui Ta, who becomes a cold and stern protector of Shen Te’s interests. Shen Te’s altruism conflicts with Shui Ta’s capitalist ethos of exploitation. The play implies that economic systems determine a society’s morality.

In modern Pakistan, a group that is producing work similar to Brecht’s is Ajoka. Led by director Madeeha Gauhar and playwright Shahid Nadeem, the group was founded in 1983 when Zia ul Haq’s martial law was at its peak. Since then, Ajoka has been producing plays focused on human rights, the plight of women and the increasing Islamization of Pakistani society. A representative selection of Nadeem’s plays have been translated into English and published as Selected Plays of Shahid Nadeem. Continue reading Theater and Social Change in Pakistan: The Plays of Shahid Nadeem

Thumri and Social Change

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This essay was originally submitted as part of the coursework for my M.Mus in Ethnomusicology at SOAS University of London

Thumri is a semi-classical genre of Hindustani vocal music, associated primarily with the emotional expression of romantic longing. It is said to have originated in the 18th century from a mixture of folk and art music. The genre reached its height in the 19th century at the court of Wajid Ali Shah, the last nawab of Avadh, who was an enthusiastic patron and even composed several thumris.

Since the 19th century, thumri repertoire and performance style have undergone several changes. These include the de-linking of the genre from the courtesan tradition, the separation of music and dance, and a re-interpretation of lyrics in a devotional, rather than erotic, framework. These changes were linked to the impact of British colonialism, particularly social reform movements such as the Anti-Nautch Campaign. In addition, the shift in patronage from royal courts to concert halls led to the emergence of non-hereditary female performers. In order for performing thumri to be considered acceptable for “respectable” women and to avoid offending the new middle-class audience, the genre was de-eroticized and reinterpreted in a spiritual fashion. This often entailed the sanitization of lyrics.

Thumri was traditionally associated with tawayafs, a Persian word which appears in Hindi/Urdu around the middle of the 19th century. Although currently associated with prostitution, the word originally denoted high class courtesans who were highly-skilled singers and dancers trained in the arts of poetry and conversation. Aristocrats would send their sons to tawayafs to be trained in manners and etiquette (Du Perron 2007: 1-2). Prior to colonial rule, courtesans were associated with royal courts. With the decline of these courts, courtesans increasingly began to entertain in their own private salons. They were often wealthy and, because of their unmarried status, were able to move around freely (2). Thumri was one of the principal genres of courtesan performance. The texts often express female desire, usually in the form of love-in-separation (viraha). The heroine either curses the day her lover left her or pleads with him not to abandon her. These themes made thumri ideal for courtesan performance as the performer could act out the anguish and desire experienced by the song’s heroine (3). Continue reading Thumri and Social Change

Open Thread– July 13

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Talk about whatever you want to talk about

An article I found interesting:

The British Conquest of Punjab  (from Sam Dalrymple’s Substack)

Sam has a new book out called Shattered Lands: Five Partitions and the Making of Modern Asia (William Collins 2025).  He graduated as a Persian and Sanskrit scholar from the University of Oxford.  I look forward to reading and potentially reviewing the book. I’m a huge fan of Sam’s father, William Dalrymple

A video I found interesting:

On Pakistan:

“Smoker’s Corner: Decoding Party Politics” by Nadeem F. Paracha

 

 

 

Exploring Malhar Ragas| In Search| Malhar Ki Bandishein

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(Note:  I don’t want to spam BP so I promise I will not post anything else at least for the rest of the weekend )

To make a change from heavy discussion of Partition and Hindu-Muslim issues (which honestly seems to be what BP goes back to constantly–a pattern I’ve noticed over a decade now), I’m sharing a video exploring monsoon ragas.

“In Search” is a series created by Tanmay Deochake. According to his bio, he is “one of the world’s most-in demand young harmonium players. He trained under his grandfather Gopalrao Deochake and is currently receiving instruction from Pandit Pramod Marathe”

To highlight Hindustani classical music in Pakistan, I am also including a video of a performance of Miyan ki Malhar by Ustads Amanat Ali and Fateh Ali Khan, the stalwarts of the Patiala gharana.  Ustads Amanat Ali and Fateh Ali Khan migrated from Patiala to Lahore in 1947. Both have since passed away though the Patiala gharana continues through their children and grandchildren.

Enjoy!

 

 

Review: Lineage of Loss: Counternarratives of North Indian Music by Max Katz

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This review was published in South Asia Research Vo1. 41 (3), 2021

Max Katz, Lineage of Loss: Counternarratives of North Indian Music (Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 2017), xii + 201 pp.

Professor Janaki Bakhle (2005) described a meeting between Pandit Vishnu Narayan Bhatkhande (1860-1936) and Karamatullah Khan (1848-1933), a sarod player from Allahabad. During this meeting, which took place in 1908 or 1909, Khan argued that knowledge of Hindustani music did not come only from Sanskrit texts, but also from those in Arabic and Persian. To him, it did not matter if the ragas had come to India from Persia or Arabia or gone from India to those countries. Since Bhatkhande was obsessed with finding a Sanskrit origin for an Indian national music, he was deeply upset by these arguments. Bakhle (2005: 112) writes that Karamatullah Khan was voicing a prescient and progressive claim against national, ethnic and religious essentialism when it came to music, while Bhatkhande was looking for a ‘classical’ music ‘that existed in his time, not one that used to exist in ancient times’. For Bhatkhande, Khan was a member of the class of hereditary Muslim musicians who were responsible for what, in his view, was the degradation of ancient Hindu music.

Katz focuses on the Lucknow gharana, an hereditary musical lineage of sarod and sitar players, of whom Karamatullah Khan was a major representative. The son of Niamatullah Khan (d. 1903), a court musician of the last Nawab of Lucknow, Wajid Ali Shah, Karamatullah in turn served as ustad of his nephew, Sahkawat Husain Khan (1875-1955), one of the most renowned sarod players of the early twentieth century and a teacher at the Marris College in Lucknow, now Bhatkhande Music Institute Deemed University. Continue reading Review: Lineage of Loss: Counternarratives of North Indian Music by Max Katz

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