Brown Pundits Must Stay a Broad Church
Reading Kabirâs thoughtful post on the âsoft Hindutvaâ bias at Brown Pundits, I found myself both agreeing with parts of his argument and diverging from its framing. My own journey with BP goes back to its inception. The blog was born in Twixmas December 2010; 10 days after I had met Dr. Lalchand, whose presence has profoundly shaped my civilizational views.
I say this not as a biographical aside but because BP, at its best, is where the personal and civilizational collide. We bring who we are; our marriages, our migrations, our contradictions, into this messy, brilliant conversation.
At the time, like many Pakistanis, I held a deep-seated assumption: that Hindus were fundamentally âother.â It wasnât overt hatred; just a civilizational distance, internalized from birth. But Dr. V & Brown Pundits challenged that.
A Forum With Bias? Yes. But Which One?
The heart of BP is not neutrality; itâs the willingness to host contradiction. That is its genius, and it must be protected.
Kabirâs critique isnât without merit. BP has long been skeptical of PakNationalism, a term coined and critiqued by Omar. That skepticism often bleeds into a preference for Indiaâs civilizational continuity; even when it comes wrapped in saffron. But is that âsoft Hindutvaâ? Or just what happens when a mostly Indian diaspora grows tired of liberal self-flagellation, yet remains far from the RSS?
We must be honest: all forums have a bias. BPâs is not Hindutva; soft or hard. Its bias is civilizational engagement, often from the Hindu side, because Hinduism is undergoing the most intense process of public introspection in South Asia today. That doesnât make the forum exclusionary. It just means the emotional energy of the moment is Hindu.
As someone born Pakistani, this hasnât always been easy to witness. I, too, was raised to see Hindus as alien. But Dr. V & BP helped me unlearn that. It forced me to hear Hindus speak for themselves; not as flat caricatures from Pakistani textbooks, but in flawed, fervent, polyphonic voices. That transformation matters.
Muslims, Merchants, and Modernity
Muslim societies across the Ummah often reproduce a mullahâmerchant axis; ordinary bazaaris who are devout, disciplined, and wary of pluralism. This has less to do with theology than with social structure. Even Muslim liberals, those whoâve left the fold intellectually, often retain a deep emotional orthodoxy. They want the dignity of Islam without the obligations. Thatâs their right. But it also makes reform elusive.
This is why discussions with Muslim intellectuals on BP sometimes stall. There is a core, a resolve, a refusal to bend, even in secular critique. Islamâs strength is also its challenge: its clarity. Hinduism, by contrast, is maddeningly vague but that vagueness allows for evolution. It allows for critique from Ambedkarites, feminists, even atheists. And it survives.
This isnât a moral hierarchy but it is a cultural asymmetry. One that defines much of public discourse today.
A Prayer Room in a Mall
A few days ago, I needed to say my long obligatory prayer and found myself in a mall. The prayer room was entirely Islamic in orientation. As a BahĂĄâĂ, whose obligatory prayer shares Islamic roots but is meant to be done in solitude, I felt alienated. In the end, I found the Christian meditation room, empty, quiet, and prayed there.
I donât say this as an attack. But it illustrates something deeper. The Islamic world often has a powerful, immovable core. But cores can calcify. Without reform or flexibility, they struggle to respond to social complexity.
Liberating Hinduism to become like Islam
I remember reading a striking line once: that secularism in India was not about restraining Hinduism, but about liberating it from the Indian state. When the courts intervened in Sabarimala, or when temple boards were pressured to democratize, it wasnât to marginalize the religion; it was to hold it accountable to the values it professed. Thatâs a far cry from how the Indian state treats its minorities, often with exaggerated deference. Thereâs a paradox there worth acknowledging.
This nuance is often missing when people critique âHindu rage.â Yes, there is a rising assertiveness, sometimes aggressive and poorly articulated. But we must ask: what is the emotional wound behind the anger? What is the history being remembered, or misremembered?
What strikes me most, especially among Muslim intellectuals, is the tendency to distance themselves from the faith while still speaking on its behalf. Thereâs a kind of cultural half-step: not quite inside, not quite outside. But Islam, unlike Hinduism, is not nebulous. Itâs a faith built on clarity; of law, of creed, of practice. And that clarity often hardens into rigidity. It becomes difficult to integrate with a pluralistic society when the core feels non-negotiable.
Akhand Bharat: Triggering, Yes. But Why
Kabir is right: maps of âAkhand Bharatâ can be deeply offensive to some (would Pakistanis really be offended to be included in a map of the Persianate world?). But let us separate political intent from civilizational nostalgia. When Zionists say âEretz Yisrael,â it doesnât mean theyâre marching on Jordan. When Chinese textbooks depict all of Asia as tributaries, it doesnât mean theyâre invading Mongolia. Civilizations remember expansively. Thatâs what they do.
Does âAkhand Bharatâ imply irredentism? Not necessarily. But it reflects a longing for coherence in a region shattered by Partition; an event that scarred both India and Pakistan. For Pakistanis, Partition was foundational. For Indians, it was a trauma. These are not symmetrical truths but they are coexisting ones. BP must hold space for both.
The Future of This Forum
Kabir wants more Pakistanis on BP. So do I. He wants voices from Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, the Indian Left. So do I. But that expansion must come without constraining the organic Hindu self-expression that drives much of the current commentary. Kabirâs call for more Pakistani and left voices is valid. But that pluralism must add, not amputate, the Hindu core.
We donât need quotas or silos. What we need is plural presence. If BP becomes a Hindutva or Islamist or secularist safe space, then so be it.
This forum is not perfect. But it is rare. And in a region still grieving its partitions; cultural, political, and spiritual, that rarity is its power. Let it widen, not fracture.
But I donât think thatâs where we are. What we are is a messy, multilingual, cross-border, intermarried, occasionally inappropriate, always intense, half-diasporic, half-continental civilizational salon. There is no other forum like this.
Letâs not neuter it in the name of neutrality.
Let it be what it already is; a place where someone like me, a half-Persian, half-Pakistani BahĂĄâĂ who just did a Shiv puja during Shravan, can say all this without apology.

If BP becomes a Hindutva safe space, I’m out. I have absolutely zero interest in engaging in a site that is a haven for Modi bhakts. You will also struggle to get Pakistani representation if that is the case.
It should be possible to critique “PakNationalism” without going to the other extreme and coddling Hindutva and Islamophobia (thankfully, we’re past the point on BP when the Prophet of God was regularly being called vile names). I have no issues with criticism of Pakistan or its military. Territorial integrity and sovereignty however are red lines for me.
I’ve already pointed out that “Akhand Bharat” is offensive not just to Pakistanis and Bangladeshis but also to Nepalis, Sri Lankans etc. Sri Lanka was not Partitioned from India. This has nothing to do with Partition but with a worldview that believes in “Greater India”. The Wikipedia article I referenced in my post was neither written by Pakistanis nor by Muslims.
The least one can expect is that South Asian nation-states not be de-legitimized.
Your reference to “Eretz Yisrael” is unfortunate. I’m sure you know that “Eretz Yisrael” is a deeply offensive term to Palestinians and anyone who isn’t a Zionist. Forget marching on Jordan, people who believe in “Eretz Yisrael” refuse to allow a Palestinian state in the Occupied West Bank (which these people insist on calling “Judea and Samaria”). They’re on the wrong side of History. So your defense of “Akhand Bharat” by invoking “Eretz Yisrael” actually makes my case rather than yours.
Anyway, I have no issues with your desire for BP to be a “broad church”. That’s a perfectly defensible decision. I think that adding Pakistani voices (Furqan for example may not share all my political beliefs and that’s absolutely fine) and leftist Indian voices (Manav K. for example) will help to redress the ideological balance.
Yes and we are welcoming them?
Yes and that’s a positive step. It will hopefully go some ways to addressing my concerns about the “Hindutva safe space”.
I thjnk the question is active authors and commentariat..
I don’t disagree with you. Diverse authors are more important than commentariat in my opinion. One has little control over what sorts of views are presented in the comments. One does have input into the diversity of people who are writing articles.
I’m not sure what qualifies as “Hindutva safe space” or “coddling Hindutva” for you, but if you are asking for people expressing positive views of the Hindutva ideology to be considered beyond the pale, then that is unreasonable.
As a non-fan of Hindutva (as a classical liberal, I prefer the Western church-state separation model), I can still concede that it is now the reigning ideology of India and the default assumption of middle-class Hindu India. Just as earlier generations of non-Congress politicians had to genuflect before the established Nehruvian ideology, so now do Congress-members and people of non-BJP parties must treat Hindutva as the default assumption of the voters even while protesting it.
If you want a “space” where voices expressing Hindutva views are not heard, that’s your prerogative (I guess) but you’ll be missing basically everything going on in India then.
Furthermore, Hindutva is no more exclusionary and certainly no more pernicious than than any ethno-religio-centric ideology that dominates India’s neighbors. This includes the Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism of SL, the Islamic nationalism of Bangladesh, and most certainly the TNT-inspired Islamic ideology any Pakistani nationalist takes for granted.
I’m not trying to “intellectually convince” you of the merits of any given ideology, but rather just pointing out the facts.
Yeah, many members of the RSS may have said admiring things about European fascists (many non-fascist Europeans did so too, like Lloyd George). It was an era of sharp-edged nationalism and people like Mussolini and Hitler seemed to have managed their countries well. Of course, we know better now, but people living through that period often didn’t. (I believe even Churchill initially was impressed with Hitler’s “governance”.)
Saying admiring things about fascists in the 1930s is not the same as “explicitly inspired”. Apart from having their followers wearing shorts and going on parades, there was basically nothing the RSS had in common with the Nazi Party. I would encourage you to get over your distaste for the RSS and do some actual historical reading about them. Many good books have come out recently on the topic.
You dodged the (unflattering) comparison I made between the Hindutva ideology and the Pakistani founding ideology (which, if anything, has gotten more virulently bigoted and violent.) Given that casual Pakistani bigotry is more and more apparent in social media and the like, the Hindutva form of bigotry is going to expand. (This is how politics works, in a yin-and-yang. See how the Trumpists are behaving now in response to the crazy wokesters who ruled the roost not too long ago.)
Do you see any plausible way for Pakistani society to change so that, say, a group of Pakistani Hindus can go build a temple in, say, Lahore or Islamabad? If not, expect to see Hindutva’s reach widening in India.
On the RSS: See Thomas Blom Hansen’s The Saffron Wave: Democracy and Hindu Nationalism in Modern India. Don’t assume I don’t know what I’m talking about.
Pakistan is an “Islamic Republic”. India is a secular state. The constitutional nature of the two countries is different. This is not a defense of anything but simply a recognition of reality.
In any case, just because Pakistan is a majoritarian hellhole doesn’t mean India should become one as well (if it is not one already which is a matter of subjective judgement)
“Crazy Wokesters”– I really can’t engage with someone who generalizes like that.
Finally, you haven’t been to Pakistan (I assume) so please don’t generalize about the country. I have actually been to Delhi and Agra (as a teenager). Suffice it to say, we are getting out of the dark period that General Zia ushered in. India seems to be headed the other way.
The greatest thing that has happened in hockey is that there is no “Pakistani representation” in the highest version of the game.
Cricket is also going the same way.
Thank you – I try