Extremely surprised to see this bit of news.
views ?
This Pakistani theatre group brought Ram and Sita to the stage. ‘It’s our Ramayana too’
Extremely surprised to see this bit of news.
views ?
This Pakistani theatre group brought Ram and Sita to the stage. ‘It’s our Ramayana too’
When producer Namit Malhotra began explaining the Ramayana to Hans Zimmer, the legendary composer cut him off:
āYou donāt have to explain it to me. Something that has lasted thousands of years clearly has meaning. Letās just do our best. Itās beyond us.ā
Malhotra took this as reverence. In fact, it was erasure.
No serious Western artist would score The Ten Commandments or Schindlerās List without knowing the story. Imagine a composer saying, āDonāt explain the Illiad to me, itās beyond me.ā Theyād be fired. But when it comes to Indian epics? The bar is subterranean. Thatās not reverence.
Thatās: Iām Western, Iām famous, Iām here for the cheque; not the history. The tragedy isnāt Zimmerās line. Itās Malhotraās awe. A Westerner shrugs off our most sacred text, and we call it wisdom. Thatās not cultural pride. Thatās civilizational confusion. Itās a pattern. Many elite Indians are fluent in the language of Islamic grievance; but tone-deaf to Western condescension.
Divide and rule still works:
Hindus thank the British for āfreeingā them from Muslim rule
Muslims thank the British for āprotectingā them from Hindu majoritarianism
Meanwhile, the West shrugs at our stories and we applaud.
Shravan Monday at the New England Temple

Continue reading Hans Zimmer and the Polite Dismissal of the Ramayana
On July 14, I wrote about Taāarof ; the millennia-old Persian art of flattery, refusal, and ritualised courtesy. Itās often misunderstood in the West as āsaying no three times,ā but itās really about emotional high-context negotiation, reading the room before the room speaks.
The next day, on July 15, Sharghzadeh posted a powerful video, calling it Iranian Diaspora Fatigue. A searing takedown of the Iranian Diaspora’s toxic racial insecurities, internalised Islamophobia, misogyny masked as modernity, and cultural denialism. Heās mostly right.
What he calls fatigue, Iād call poisoned flattery turned inward. Because Tehranglos are no longer performing Taāarof to honour guests or elders. They’re doing it to whiteness itself. Hoping if they refuse our own identity long enough, maybe the West will say: āYes, come in.ā
Thatās not assimilation. Thatās exhaustion. And the worst part? Even the racism feels borrowed; against Arabs, against Afghans, against Iranians back home. Itās not even Iranian. This isnāt just about cringe TikToks or awkward panel guests. Itās about who gets to narrate Persian culture. And what gets flattened when tradition becomes product. I was stunned when Zachary Newman ā one of the most prominent Persian-Jewish American chefs ā endorsed Netanyahuās strikes on Iran. That moment crystallised something.
Sharghzadeh and I are saying the same thing: Persian culture is being gentrified by its own children. What survives isnāt tradition. Itās content. Itās vibes. If Iran is an unreadable poem, diaspora is turning it into a slogan. If Iran is lived, diaspora is increasingly just captioned. And they wonder why they’re tired. Is the Persian diaspora preserving a culture, or just performing it for the algorithm?
UP’s very long shadow:
As I board my flight back to the UK after a brief but productive trip, I find myself reflecting on a language that continues to haunt and inspire me: Urdu.
It is a tongue caught between paradoxes. The language of courtesans and qawwals, of sacred supplication and sly seduction. It carries within it the scent of jasmine and blood, of Delhiās dusk and Lahoreās lingering grief.
The Beloved Guardian of the Bahaāi Faith once noted that while most Bahaāi texts should be translated from English, Urdu alone is trusted for direct translation from Persian and Arabic. That proximity, that spiritual siblinghood with Persian, the language of kings, and Arabic, the language of God, renders Urdu magical.
Sanskrit, of course, is the language of gods, but Urdu, its stepdaughter of sorts, captures the longing of poet to partisan.
Thereās a reason the BahĆ”āĆ prayer I share below is so piercing in Urdu. So here, before I cross back into another timezone, I offer this prayerāwithout commentary, without translation. Just Urdu, as it was meant to be heard.
And I wonder: perhaps this is what Pakistan truly isāa project in transcending the local. Not rooted in soil, but in sentiment. A place where Punjabis, Pathans, and Muhajirs are asked to shed skin and commune in Urdu. Where Pakistaniyat, for all its fractures, has succeeded in producing a common idiom: of piety, pride, and pain. Continue reading Pakistaniat & Urdu from Qasim to Quaid
Because Tarof isnāt about numerical formulae. Itās not just āno means yes after the third try.ā Itās not a knock-knock joke.
Onunchi, Taāarof, and High-Context Societies
Read More Here
In the aftermath of the extremely tragic plane crash in Ahmedabad (the photo features the late Ali family, may they rest in the Highest Heaven), one tiny detail stood out; not the cause of the disaster (still contested), but who was being heard. Many of the victimsā families interviewed by the BBC were of Muslim origin (it was also during the Eid Holiday break). And while that may seem incidental, it reveals a subtle, recurring pattern in Indiaās public discourse.
Three threads emerge:
Continue reading Visibility, Voice, and the Indian Muslim Dilemma
Kabir:I will remind you of the Sachar Committee Report which stated that the condition of Indian Muslims was worse than that of Dalits. This was a report commissioned by the Congress government not by Pakistanis. India has never had a Muslim Prime Minister. I would be willing to bet that this is not going to happen in my lifetime. The Muslim League succeeded in getting the Muslim majority provinces a country of our own. This is a huge achievement.
Partition was sold as deliverance. In hindsight, it may have been the most sophisticated act of self-disinheritance in modern Muslim history. A century ago, Muslims on the subcontinent were a political force ā deeply embedded, numerically significant, and intellectually diverse. Today, they are divided, disenfranchised, and disoriented. Three nations. No unity. No power. No clear path forward. Letās take stock:
1. Divided into Three
Pakistan. Bangladesh. India. Three fractured expressions of one civilizational legacy ā none of which fully represents or protects the totality of South Asia’s Muslims.
2. No Electorate Leverage
In India, Muslims lost their negotiating bloc overnight. From being a decisive vote in undivided India, they became a permanent minority ā politically cautious, rhetorically silenced, and often viewed with suspicion. In Pakistan, Muslim identity became so hegemonic it erased internal plurality. In Bangladesh, it became suspect altogether.
3. Psychological Cleft
Two-thirds of Muslims had to unlearn India. Partition forced them to disown their history. The other third had to choose between beingĀ Muslim or becoming more Indian. This psychic wound ā of being here, but not quite belonging ā has never healed.
4. Urdu: From Bridge to Burden
Urdu, once the cultural glue of the Muslim elite, is now:
A shared language was replaced by suspicion and statecraft.
5. Islam as a Spent Force
Partition Islam was meant to be political. It became performative. There is no robust Muslim political expression in the subcontinent today ā only tokenism, sectarianism, or silence. It resembles post-revolution Iran: Islam was not discredited by the West, but by what its stewards did in its name. Partition didnāt solve the āMuslim Question.ā It just made it unspeakable ā in three different politicised idioms.
In a recent video, a young Punjabi woman, likely Sikh, candidly shares her discomfort upon returning to India after living in Canada (this kind of echoes the Aussie influencer’s comments on chronic Indian inequality). The noise, the pollution, the density. Her frustration is raw, familiar, and deeply sincere.
But beneath her words lies something larger: the aesthetic asymmetry that defines the postcolonial condition. Wide roads, clean air, manicured parks; these are not just amenities. In the global South, they become symbols of escape, status, and salvation. And so, millions migrate. Or aspire to. Not just for jobs, but for dignity. For air that doesnāt burn. For order that doesnāt humiliate. For a feeling of being seen.
And when they do, when they arrive in Canada, the UK, Australia, something subtle happens: they become grateful. Not just for opportunity, but for escape. For the fact that the West āworks.ā That gratitude then curdles into deference.
They begin to believe that the world outside the West is meant to be chaotic, dirty, loud. That governance is a Western gift. That clean streets and quiet parks are civilizational rather than institutional. This is the gratitude trap; the soft power of asphalt, symmetry, and silence.
And itās why postcolonial recovery is so difficult. Not because the global South lacks culture or potential, but because its own elites, shaped by extraction, not architecture, rarely build for elegance. Rarely build for pride. Rarely build for joy. What the West exported was not just railways or rule of law. It exported a built environment that still shames us. And until that is understood, until we take seriously the spatial dignity of our cities and the material form of our futures, the colonial spell will remain unbroken.
Over the past few months, Iāve noticed a marked improvement in the quality of conversation on BP. A large part of this, I suspect, is due to eliminating trigger-response dynamics; as seen when I barred Q on a technicality. It created space: suddenly, the commentariat was thinking, not reacting. In that quiet, something became obvious.
Whenever Kabir invokes āneutral experts,ā they always seem to be Western, usually venerably white, often from institutions directly involved in the colonial rape of India. And yet these same voices are elevated as if they were impartial or above it all. They arenāt. They are the architects, not the observers. This is the paradox at the heart of Pakistan. Continue reading Why Pakistan Is a Colonial Project & India a Civilizational One
Over the past 45 days, Iāve had far less time for BP than Iād have liked. But now that Iām back in the US, I finally have space to refocus on what matters most for BP: stewarding it as a platform for intelligent, plural, and principled discourse.
Updated Commentator Guidelines
Weāre evolving how we manage our comment threads. Hereās the updated approach:
1. Authors moderate their own threads.
Each Author is free to shape the conversation under their posts. If you post it, you own the thread. Also to the commentariat, if you put a picture and capitalise your handle, it makes you more “human” and memorable (without having to trade in your anonymity, thank you Indosaurus).
2. Do not delete comments; void them.
Deletion removes our memory. If a comment crosses the line, Authors may void it (ideally only the offending items but I can understand the temptation to void it all), but we preserve it as part of the archive. Cultivating a robust commentariat is a core BP value.
3. Authors may never moderate another Authorās comment.
If an Author has a concern with another Authorās comment, they should reach out to me directly. I will arbitrate. No unilateral actions between Authors.
4. Want to avoid moderation? Become an Author.
If youāre serious about your voice, join us. Monthly posting is enough. I ask only for basic human decency; plural views are welcome, and Iām always happy to edit drafts to preserve your tone and intent.
5. Respect BP for what it is.
Brown Pundits isnāt just a site. Itās a conversation space. And like any serious space, it requires some light rules; not to control, but to protect. Letās build something lasting where people from all sides of the divide can meaningfully engage with one another.
