Pakistan and Military Rule (and a long interview with General Babar)

The following are two posts (originally written many years ago) from the Pakistani military historian and analys Agha Humayun Amin.  It is interesting to y see that nothing has changed since 2002 (the article is from 2002 and the interview is from early 2001, before the fall of the taliban). Anyway, whether you agree or disagree with his analysis, you will always get interesting nuggets of information from Major Amin… The first post is a newspaper article he wrote. the second is a very detailed interview he conducted with General Naseerullah Babar, an outstanding military officer who served as Zulfi Bhutto’s Governor in NWFP, then as Benazir Bhutto’s interior minister and played a role in the Karachi operation against MQM as well as in the setting up of the Taliban (as IGFC he was also involved in setting up the first Pakistani-sponsored insurgency in Afghanistan way back in 1973). He was an eyewitness to many important events and whatever you may think of his views, his interview is an extremely important historical document..

Essence of the Matter
A.H Amin
August 21 2002
Daily Nation , Lahore
While analysis of todays Pakistani politics is outwardly subtle and convincing , serious historical analysis remains the weak point. What is lacking is the long view , the inability to penetrate through appearances, the motivation to write with an ulterior motivation to please or to secure personal business objectives, and worse of all, to criticise simply because a writer has acquired the reputation of a cynic and his writings are read simply because his cynicism provides a catharsis for many! This does not mean that all is well or all military or civil rulers are well meaning reluctant coup makers !

This article is an attempt to capture the crux of the whole issue in a few paragraphs! An ambitious but certainly not impossible endeavour! First of all the basis of modern Indo Pak politics was initially a type of liberal set of beliefs based on faith in British parliamentary system and liberalism mixed with the philosophy of self rule. The British introduced Western democracy in India with a view to afford a vent to the Indians desire for participation and sense of involvement ! The urban professional classes picked it up as a means for self realisation or self advancement ! The feudals picked it up as a means of continuing their unfair advantage or position of influence in the Indian society. The middle classes ran after government jobs as a means of self advancement and economic benefit. The Indian soldiers served in the army as mercenaries motivated by economic benefits and in part propelled by espirit de corps. The politicians came into conflict with the British not because all of them were heroes or martyrs but because it was a struggle for power! The civil servants and mercenary pre 1947 Indo Pak soldiers collaborated with the British because it improved their prospects of self advancement ! The pre 1947 Indian Army , the father of the post 1947 Indian and Pakistan Army had nothing to do with Indo Pak political struggle at least in what they voluntarily or deliberately did less a platoon of Garhwal Rifles which refused to open fire on Muslims demonstrating in Peshawar in 1930 ! After all who was shooting down Indo Pak civilians like partridges in Wana , Razmak ,Sindh and Jallianwalla Bagh other than the British Kings Indian Army ! Four brigades in tribal areas , two brigades in Sindh in the Hur Rebellion! The Indian or Muslim civil servant, soldier and policeman till 14th August (and some to date) were collaborators of the Western power which ruled India till the transfer of power!

The Hindus were better organised politically since the Indian National Congress was dominated by a strong Hindu professional and business class while the Muslims were condemned to be politically more backward since because of peculiar historical reasons Mr Jinnah had no choice but to accept the Muslim feudals who dominated Muslim politics! Mr Jinnah was forced to ally with the Unionists in Punjab and the Sindhi landlords in future against the advice of Punjabi Muslim urban leaders like Dr Iqbal because it was a strategic compulsion. Thus from August 1947 India inherited a strong political culture while The Muslim League was destroyed just a few years after Mr Jinnah’s death by the feudals who had joined it out of fear of land reforms and because of being in debt to Hindu money lenders! Here again economics played a major role ! It has been estimated that in pre 1947 Punjab and Sindh money lending was the most important occupation after agriculture and that while the net revenue of Irrigation Department of Punjab was 267 Lakh Rupees that of money lenders was 500 Lakh Rupees! In 1911 out of a total of 803,560 money lenders in India some 25 % or 193,890 lived in Punjab alone! Thus while the total population of pre 1947 Punjab was one eleventh of India ,it had some one fourth of India’s money lenders! All this ensured that the feudal elements jumped on the Muslim League band wagon not out of genuine motivation but because of economic compulsion!

Now the post 1947 era; While post 1947 Indian Congress leaders like Nehru and Patel chided the Indian Army for their un-nationalistic role in British rule and reduced their basic salary Pakistan was condemned to be ruled by a civil military clique within eleven years of independence! Men who had collaborated with the British before 1947 became Pakistan’s rulers within seven years of Independence! Officials of Indian Audit and Accounts Service like Ghulam Mohammad and Mohammad Ali! Feudals like Kalabagh who before 1947 were faithful servants of a man no higher than the British Deputy Commissioner of Mianwali! Compare the fact that while Nehru abolished Cantonment Boards within no time after independence even today a Pakistani civilian living in a plot of land bought by paying through his nose in a cantonment area lives within perpetual awe of the cantonment boards simply because no Pakistani statesman had the courage or the vision to reduce the military or civil bureucrats to size!

A man who spent his life in sycophancy of the British was this country’s governor general within four years of independence while genuine freedom fighters like Raja Ghazanfar Ali were outcasts within four years of independence! A political agent whose pre partition training was to intrigue and lie and make the frontier tribes fight each other so that British rule was prolonged was this country’s president within eight years of independence! A soldier who was guilty of tactical timidity in Burma was this country’s first Muslim Army chief within four years of independence! While this country’s first military ruler came with a pledge to modernise this country the culture of police gang rape was a direct result of the Ayub-Kalabagh style of governance! Who can forget the Miss Akhtar Case of Lyallpur or the Kharian Police Gang Rape case of 1968.

Since the Pakistani military has had the best of all things in most of Pakistan’s history, we will confine this discussion to the military’s role; A study of history proves that while the Roman Republic was great the citizens were poor or lived a Spartan living! While the first four Muslim caliphs practised austerity the Muslim Kingdom touched Central Asia at one extreme and Egypt at the other ! Now compare Pakistan! Three of the four of Pakistan’s military rulers to date were from humble background (less Yahya Khan, whose father was from the Indian Police Service)! All three less Yahya Khan departed richer than they were when they took over while the Pakistani state successively became poorer with their departure! Compare Ayub Zia’s or any of todays three or four star generals assets with what they had at the time of passing out from the miltary academy whether it was the Sandhurst or OTS Dera Dun or Kakul ! As per Feldman, a reliable authority, Ayubs studies in college were financed by Nawab Kalabagh! Major General Tajammul states that in 1950 the then major general Ayub had just one green suit! Zia of 1960s is remembered by Gul Hassan as a meek obsequeous soldier, a man unfit to be an officer of the Pakistan Army in words of his immediate senior Major General Nawazish!
Why these man acted the way they did? Was it because of ideology or self interest? From necessity or from choice?  Mustafa Kemal had saved Turkey from disintegration, a direct consequence of the Treaty of Sevres! Degaulle was a military hero of France! What were our military rulers? Ayub destroyed the Constitution of 1956, a direct consequence of which was the separation of East Pakistan within fifteen years! General Zia destroyed the Second Constitution of Pakistan simply because he feared a prime minister who could threaten his personal authority!
We had one who came to wipe out corruption and institutionalised corruption in the Pakistani society through route permits and industrial permits ! We had one who attempted to undo what his soldier predecessor had been doing for eleven years in order to perpetuate his rule and presided over this country’s partition in 1971!  We had one who wanted to hold hands with God Almighty in his dishonesties and in the process introduced extremism in this country’s politics! He came with a Morris Minor and today his sons are in Land Cruisers! We have one who professes to be a liberal and is strengthening the police and faces the most serious religious threat in Pakistan’s history! All were motivated by self interest! All three came poorer and left the country poorer if not economically then politically!

What is the conclusion? All military rulers acted out of self preservation! They had no ideology! Less Yahya all started from the lower middle class or middle class and ended as business tycoons! They destroyed constitutions,
promiscuously destroyed the political system by introducing test tube babies in politics who they later condemned as corrupt and defective! They destroyed Pakistan’s constitution transforming the office of prime minister from that of a potent statesman and respectable political chief executive to that of a glorified eunuch! All to preserve one man’s head! All to ensure personal power! When they acted out of choice it was for self preservation, when they acted out of choice it was for self advancement! In a nutshell Pakistan’s political history is a story of soldiers of humble origins motivated by intense ambition and rising to the highest political office! Entering the stage with one green suit and departing the stage leaving a dynasty with phenomenal riches whether it was Zia or Ayub or todays Crore Commanders! While admirals guilty of worst sort of bribery are allowed to go scot free politicians against whom one single charge even one tenth of Mansoorul Haq is not proved are rotting in Jails since last five years!

Our memories are short, we have been brought up doctored through propaganda, through censured press and are made to believe that our present rulers are honest while their predessors were dishonest! Alas we have reached a stage when no one seriously reads the newspapers any more! The self proclaimed Messiahs of this nation administered so many injections of falsehood and distortion to it that today that the average man has lost all political awareness! He is well meaning and motivated but no longer has faith in the state or in those who lead him! Inflation and depression has reduced him to a robot!

From those who day and night praise this regime motivated by a large number of reasons of self interest one may ask this question: Has human nature changed?  Is personal interest not the ideology of todays military government? If submarines were bought in the past, are not Boeing 777 being purchased today? If there was a polo ground constructed in the past what about many hundred acres leased to a foreign company for a commercial golf course today! Defaulters who cannot enter Dubai are heading banks in Pakistan! If all was divided in between cousins and inlaws yesterday, is not the same happening today?

In the worst Machiavellian phrase in todays Pakistan, dominated by the soldiers self propagated image as one who NABs the corrupt, what is it all other than a simple proof of Machiavellis dictum ” Assume a virtue, Prince,if you have it not!” Honesty and Spartan living are not virtues in todays Pakistan! Machiavelli was not wrong when he said ” men are easily corrupted and let themselves become of the opposite nature, no matter how good they are and well taught”. We are condemned to rigged elections, manipulation of like minded lotahs and palace intrigues! We are condemned to long term insecurity simply because some individuals are not secure with a strong and stable political system for this country! This is our tragedy from which we can only be rescued albeit ironically by unforeseen air crashes or war!

Amin Globe Journal May 2001 The Political Life of Gen Babar
End Notes by Dr Andre

The Political Life of Gen Babar[1]
Conducted by A.H Amin
Published in Globe Journal May 2001

Personal Life 1. Please tell us something about your early life before you joined the Army?

I was born in Peshawar in 1928. Our ancestors originated from Kandahar and had settled in the Peshawar Valley, particularly at Pirpai (my ancestral village) near Nowshera. There is a Babar Settlement at Zhob and there are small communities of Babars at Quetta, Multan and D I Khan (Chaudwan). Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan also hails from the same tribe (Muzaffargarh). In the First World War 78 people went to the war as Indian Army men and four laid down their life. Pirpai is one of the very few villages which has an official plaque commemorating its First World War contribution. My father was basically a Recruiting Officer of the Indian Army but had been attached for
sometime to the 6 Rajputana Rifles. After initial study of two years at a Private Public School (Miss Birch), I joined the Presentation Convent School Peshawar from 1935 to 1939. From 1939 to 1941 I attended the Burn Hall School, then located at Baramula and Srinagar. (Please note that they shifted from Baramula to Abbottabad in 1947 since they did not desire to continue in India). From 1941 to 1946 I studied at the Prince of Wales’ Royal Indian Military College Dehra Dun from where I did my Senior Cambridge and also received one year’s pure Military Training. It was here in Dehra Dun that I was lucky to be the student of the well-known Mr Catchpole. Catchpole was a man of great devotion, conviction and dedication. He played a very formative role in our education at Dehra Dun. After Senior Cambridge from the RIMC Dehra Dun I appeared before the Services Selection Board at Meerut and was selected for the Indian Army in November 1947. We were airlifted to Lahore along with Muslim GCs (Gentleman Cadets) from the IMA as the First PMA and were privileged to be received by Mr Liaquat Ali Khan. I joined the PMA in January 1948.

2. Please describe your parents and their influence on your perception/personality?

My father and grandfather were the two most honest and upright people that I saw in life. I was greatly inspired by both of these individuals and inherited their basic traits. In character building the role of mother was more significant.

3. Please tell us about any incident in your early years that left a lasting impression on your personality?

Two events left a particularly strong impression. One was the abject poverty and submissiveness of the Kashmiri Muslims, particularly the males owing to severe oppression by the Dogra rulers. However, the females were fairly aggressive in protecting their rights. The second significant incident was while proceeding to Meerut I saw a Muslim refugee train which had been attacked near Jagadhri in 1947. All my life thence I have not been able to reconcile with the feigned Indian democracy and been involved in four wars against India, viz; 1948 (Kashmir); 1965 Rann of Kutch, 1965 (Indo-Pak War), 1971 (Indo-Pak War). In three of these I found myself in Kashmir!

4. How was your student life?

It was memorable. The missionaries at the convent in Peshawar and at Burn Hall Baramula/Srinagar were a dedicated lot. Education in those days was a very healthy combination of intellectual and physical activity. I got an early exposure to military training at RIMC where one year was completely dedicated to military training.

5. Any teacher who played a decisive role in formation of your perceptions/convictions?

There were many teachers who I can mention. There was Father Shanks, Father Moran, Father Louis, a Dutchman who later died at Malakwal, Father Mallet, at Burns Hall, Mr Catchpole and Mr E I Connolly, a Battle of Britain fighter pilot, who had already received a DSO and DFC (Bar) at the RIMC.

6. What was your opinion about Mr Bhutto[2] as you saw him as a Minister the period 1958-66? \

I had seen Mr Bhutto as a Minister in 1958-66 as an Army Major and felt that he had great talents. From 1972 onwards I saw him far more closely as IG FC.

7. What do you have to say about the Balochistan problem of 1974-76?

This problem was created through the intrigues of Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan[3], the then Interior Minister. Qayyum was an arch intriguer and wanted to strengthen his party in Balochistan. Thus the problem in Lasbela was started due to his machinations. Mengal[4] was a patriot who was manoeuvred into a controversial role through Qayyum’s intrigues. I may add that the motivation of taking the army to Balochistan was positive. Given the task even the FC could have done the job as we earlier did in Kakar Khurasan. Mr Bhutto was a bit impatient since all members of his family had not crossed the 50 year age mark. He wanted to do away with the Sardari System[5] and bring development in Balochistan. Regrettably, the Chief Secretary and the Corps Commander were brothers and this led to a much quicker employment of the Army.

8. What about the Hyderabad tribunal[6] and disengagement of the army from Balochistan?

It is on record that Mr Bhutto wanted to withdraw the Army from Balochistan in 1976. The then Army Chief Zia[7] opposed this idea. In addition around the same time Mr Bhutto wanted to wind up the Hyderabad Tribunal. This was again opposed by Zia as Army Chief. Ironically Zia did exactly what Mr Bhutto wanted in 1977 rather than 1976. The two subjects were discussed in my presence in November 1976 at Dir. Zia had wanted to use these as excuses/pretexts for military take over. He was already in collusion with the opposition.

9. You were selected as Governor NWFP in 1974-75. How did this occur ?

Mr Bhutto had already seen me as IG FC (Inspector General Frontier Corps) and was keen to have me in the province as a Governor since the province was a political trouble spot and he wanted to integrate the tribal areas and organise the nascent Afghan resistance, a task, commenced by me in October ’73 as IG FC.

10. So how was this stint?

We did well. During this period there were a large number of bomb blasts in the NWFP with Ajmal Khattak[8] and Azam Hoti[9] sitting in Kabul indulging in anti-Pakistan speeches and activity. In order to convey a message to Sardar Daud[10] that we could play the same game and to assess the training level of the resistance an operation was initiated in Panjsher Valley in August 1975. The operation was a total success. The Afghans suffered heavily in men and equipment and Daud sought peace and accepted the Durand Line. He initiated an agreement in mid-1976. However, the formal agreement was not signed in view of Zia’s take over.

11. When did Pakistan enter the Afghan scenario as a party, which was assisting the anti-Daud insurgents in Afghanistan?

In October 1973 while I was serving as IG FC an Afghan named Habibur Rahman (Shaheed) came and contacted me about setting up a resistance movement in Afghanistan with active military assistance of Pakistan. I conveyed the same to Mr Bhutto, who accepted my proposal in view of the changed situation in Afghanistan and asked me to organise training of Afghans.

12. What was the political and military aim of the Pakistani government of that time?

From 1947 till that date all Afghan governments had generally not been friendly towards Pakistan. They raised the bogey of Pakhtunistan but refrained from acting against us in 1965 and 1971 when at war with India because of the political environment after the Liaquat Bagh meeting. There were a large number of bomb blasts. Mr Z.A Bhutto was very clear even in 1973 after Daud’s coup. An analysis of the regional environment was undertaken, highlighting the break in the Afghan system of continuity; the impending generational change in the leadership in the USSR and China (Chou had died). The inability of continuity/stability in Iran with removal of Shah of Iran from the scene. Being the last of the party ideologues it looked likely that the USSR leadership may take the opportunity to move once more and invade Afghanistan, a step towards the fulfilment of Peter the Great’s will (1777). Thus we established the base of Afghan Mujahideen resistance in 1973.

13. What type of assistance was provided to the Afghan resistance and which Pakistani agencies were involved?

We gave them basic infantry weapons, some specialised training in how to conduct guerrilla warfare under an SSG team[11] until it was discontinued on 05 July 1977 by Gen Zia, who lacked the strategic vision.

14. At what stage did the SSG enter the scene as the principal agency that trained the Afghan resistance?

They (a team) imparted training in the belief that they were training Frontier Corps personnel (all trainees were enlisted in the Frontier Corps before training)

15. What was the ISI[12] role in Afghanistan in the period 1974-77?

It was a top secret affair and the ISI had no role. The secret was shared between Mr Bhutto, myself, Aziz Ahmad[13] and the then Army Chief Tikka Khan[14]. This was for obvious reasons. The Foreign Office could with nonchalance deny if the issue was raised at UN or any other forum.

16. Who were the pioneers of the anti-Daud Afghan resistance?

These were Ustad Rabbani[15], Hikmatyar[16], Ahmad Shah Masood[17] and a host of others who came to Pakistan after October 1973.

17. You have been a committed member of the PPP? At what stage did you decide that you must join Mr Bhutto’s party?

I was impressed by Mr Bhutto’s progressive policies since 1972. On 27 July 1977 after Martial Law Mr Bhutto personally requested me to join the PPP. I did so out of conviction once Mr Bhutto was out of power.

18. Why did Mr Bhutto select Zia as a COAS (Chief of Army Staff)?

There were a number of reasons and these were discussed with me personally
by Mr Bhutto, while in detention at Murree. One was the pretended humility of Zia, and this disarmed Mr Bhutto into the belief that he would pose no threat to the nascent democracy. Secondly, his performance when he invited Mr Bhutto to the centenary celebrations of 11 Cavalry at Kharian. He took pains to ascertain Mr Bhutto’s tailor in Karachi (Hamid Khan) and had a Blue Patrol as Colonel-in-Chief of Armoured Corps stitched. On entering the room, Mr Bhutto found a suitcase on his bed and on inquiry was told that it contained the Blue Patrol. The next day, Mr Bhutto was requested to climb a tank and engage a target. Quite obviously the target was hit. Then was his performance while on deputation in Jordan, where he killed a large number of Palestinians (Black September), Mr Bhutto was led to the belief that if he was so loyal to Jordan, he would be even more loyal to Pakistan. His prime performance came at Multan, where he invited Mr Bhutto as Colonel-in-Chief. After the function, Mr Bhutto had barely returned to Mr Sadiq Qureshi’s house, when he was informed that General Zia requested to meet him. Mr Bhutto was surprised, having met him in the mess a little earlier. However, he called him into Mr Sadiq Qureshi’s study/library. Gen Zia on entrance went round the Almirah, looking for something and on inquiry he revealed that he was looking for a copy of the Holy Quran. On finding a copy he placed his hand on and addressing Mr Bhutto he said, “You are the saviour of Pakistan and we owe it to you to be totally loyal to you”. Then was the fact that there was little to pick and choose amongst the other aspirants. The only other suitable candidate was General Majeed Malik who was Mr Bhutto’s favourite as a sound professional. Unfortunately he was involved in the International Hotel Scandal where he was caught with Mustafa Khar. He was sent as Ambassador to Libya. Finally, of course was the American angle. Zia’s obsequeous behaviour made Mr Bhutto think that he was a non-political man. Pakistani democracy was at an infant stage and could not afford an Army Chief with political ambitions. Then there was not much choice. Gen Sharif was considered politically unreliable since he had been very close to Ayub Khan[18]. Jillani had no command experience and was the head of ISI. Akbar Khan had not performed well as a GOC 12 Division in Kashmir in 1971 war. Gen Aftab and AB Awan had no command potential and were not suitable.

19. It has been said that a large number of PPP[19] tickets for 1977 elections were awarded to opportunists who were not sincere workers of PPP. Why did this happen?

It is good to be idealistic! However, in politics as in other fields of endeavour, the ground realities cannot be ignored. It is typical of us to select one aspect of an event and pass judgements rather than rationally analyse the problem in its entirety. Firstly, political parties, unlike dictatorship, perform under a manifesto or a programme rather than on whims as dictators generally do. Individuals, in consequence, are not of prime import as long as they subscribe to the basics/underlying philosophy of the manifesto. Judgement should only have been passed if the individuals had performed for a reasonable period and not abided by the party’s basic philosophy/manifesto.

20. It has been asserted that Mr Bhutto was punished by some foreign powers/power for initiating Pakistan’s nuclear programme. Is this correct?

Within hours of the declaration of an election programme/date the PNA[20] came into being and thus, through all means fair or foul thwarted the political process. As, in the ultimate, they were working at someone else’s behest and according to someone else’s agenda. It would be pertinent to recall Kissinger’s remarks at Lahore and the letters written to army officers by a senior leader of the PNA (who even today masquerades as a democrat). The entire movement was in keeping with a programme and, in consequence, a large amount of dollars changed hands at Jan’s, Peshawar Cantonment between a foreign representative and a senior leader of the PNA. Furthermore, in keeping with this/their programme some key leaders, of the PNA (detained at Sihala) thwarted efforts of reaching an agreement between the government and the PNA despite the fact that initial agreement to hold elections afresh was taken on May 12 1977 between the late Mufti Mahmood[21] and Mr. Z.A Bhutto in a meeting at the PM’s house. Today, even Professor Ghafoor Ahmed, owing to belated pangs of conscience admits that the army moved in, despite an agreement having been clinched. The bane of this country has been the repeated intervention of the army and thus frustrating political maturity and strengthening of political institutions. The four post-1988 interventions amply confirm this attitude/malaise of the Armed Forces. It cannot be gainsaid that the military junta has failed in entirety in all interventions, and departed ignominously. The fate of the present element is yet to be seen but could be no different.

21. It has been said that Zia coup (he overthrew ruling Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in a bloodless coup d’état on 5. July 1977 and became the state’s third ruler to impose martial law. He initially ruled as Chief Martial Law Administrator, but later installed himself as the President of Pakistan in September 1978.) was foreign inspired.

Yes, undoubtedly, the factors cited contributed to his selection as COAS. There was off course the American angle. They had picked Zia as suitable material at Fort Leavenworth, followed his career progress and possibly lobbied in his favour. They made it known to friends months in advance that he would be appointed COAS.

22. How would Mr ZA Bhutto have behaved had he been in power when the Soviets invaded Afghanistan?

Mr Bhutto laid the foundation of the Afghan resistance in 1973. He had the foresight and vision to do it. As a matter of fact we created the organisational network which was used by Zia and the USA to oppose the Soviets. Zia had a short term vision and ignored the political angle of organising an Afghan government in exile with ulterior aims of gobbling US aid. Had Mr Bhutto been in chair he would not have deliberately neglected the political angle like Zia. Even Daud was convinced by Mr Bhutto in 1976 and said “Pakistan and Afghanistan are in the same boat. If it is the threat from the North (USSR) it is Afghanistan today and Pakistan tomorrow.
If it is the threat from the South (India) it is Pakistan today and Afghanistan tomorrow”. You see after 1971 Indian strategists had placed Pakistan and Afghanistan in the same category as the next target. Mr Bhutto laid the foundation of the Afghan resistance for reasons discussed
earlier. However, being a political animal, he also continued with a political alternative/solution. In November 1976, in consultation with the resistance leadership, two individuals, namely Wakil Azam Shinwari and Yunus Khugiani were selected to proceed to Rome and request King Zahir Shah[22] to return as his father had done earlier, to lead a movement into Afghanistan.
The caveat was that Zahir Shah could return as a constitutional monarch under the Constitution drafted by Mr Musa Shafiq, a former Prime Minister and the mentor/founder of the Hizb in Afghanistan. However, Zahir Shah indicated that he was willing to play his role but he would first visit Saadat (Egypt), then visit the Shah of Iran and finally arrive in Pakistan. Mr Bhutto was confident that King Zahir Shah could act as a rallying point and play his historical role. Events, however, took a different turn and martial law was imposed in Pakistan. The other aspect was the negotiations with Sardar Daud. Even Daud as earlier discussed had accepted the Durand Line in 1976 and wanted peace with Pakistan. Also the successful negotiations with Sardar Daud, to safeguard Pakistan’s, rightful interests are cases in point.

23. Why was the PPP unable to mobilise the masses around the time Mr. Bhutto was sentenced to death till his execution?

It would be recalled that the PPP workers made great sacrifices and the
resistance put up by Mr. Bhutto himself during his incarceration proved a beacon light. He endured all the excesses with great courage and dignity. The workers on their part went to jail in the thousands! Every element of society (pressmen, lawyers) were brutalised and lashed. A large number of workers resorted to self-immolation. However, it was the leadership that eventually deserted them. Jatoi and Khar colluded with the army, proceeded abroad and despite being mixed up with the Indian intelligence agency RAW[23], later Mr Khar was never tried by the military! Hafeez Pirzada also married afresh and abandoned his leader! The worst instance was of the talented cousin Mr Mumtaz Bhutto[24], who not only abandoned Mr. Bhutto but also colluded with Zia. Maulana Niazi[25], Mir Afzal Khan[26] and a host of others initially endeavoured to take over the party. In February 1978, when the endeavour failed or was foiled and Begum Bhutto[27] was designated co-chairperson, they disappeared from the scene. Their political nemesis is abundant proof of their disloyalty and the party (workers) never accepted them in their fold. The most poignant scene was at Garhi Khuda Bux, when on one of the anniversaries, they were beaten up by the workers and had to flee barefooted in the scorching heat! It is to the credit of the workers, that, despite 11 years of repression and intrigue (formation of IJI by the ISI), they yet succeeded in bringing the party into government in 1988. Contrast this with the events of October 1999 and subsequently, when the main leadership (Nawaz Sharif[28] and family) of the so-called PML[29] (Nawaz) absconded to Saudi Arabia and the workers were left in the lurch.

The biased trial of ZA Bhutto manipulated by zia and the sold characterless judges
24. It is being said in Sindh and Balochistan that had Mr. Bhutto not been from Sindh he would not have been executed but exiled like Mr. Nawaz Sharif. What is your opinion?

There is no doubt in this assertion. Initially the attitude of the Lahore High Court and its Chief Justice (Maulvi Mushtaq) is no secret. Even at the Supreme Court, it was a divided verdict and the judges hailing from Punjab on the one side and those hailing from the smaller provinces (all dissenting) on the other.
It was a replay of the Lahore High Court scenario. Moreover, no divided judgement has ever been affected but in this case Mr. Bhutto, hailing from a smaller province, was executed. The merit of the judgement is evident from the fact that it cannot be cited as a legal precedent. Foreign judicial/legal experts have termed it as judicial murder.

25. How would you assess Zia’s Afghan policy?

It was based on sheer opportunism and personal interest. Initially, he lacked the vision and, therefore, suspended financing the movement. This resulted in break-up of movement from one to seven groups, each leader fending for himself. Secondly, when the Soviet invasion took place he did not form a government in exile, which could gain experience during the Jehad and be available when the Geneva talks took place. Also all the US/Saudi and other assistance would have been routed through institutional organisations (Ministries) rather than individuals and would have prevented heart burning and divisive tendencies. Finally, he opposed the Geneva talks and visualised only a military solution — the bane(curse) of all our subsequent military leadership — Hamid Gul[30], Beg[31] etc. We were very deliberate. Every resistance is based on a political centre, a hierarchy, like the DeGaulle government in exile, the Algerian and Yugoslav Government in exile etc. Zia deliberately kept the Afghan Mujahideen divided into various groups in order to ensure that the bulk of the US aid could be embezzled. The future events thus led to the post-1988 civil war in Afghanistan.

26. When Ms Bhutto[32] came to power after winning the 1988 elections the Pakistani nation had very high expectations from her. However, she was unable to bring any revolutionary changes and remained a prisoner of circumtances. Why did this happen? and 27. What was the role of COAS and the President in the period 1988-90 in destabilising the PPP government? (We have combined the two questions since Gen. Babar decided to answer both the questions in a combined manner).

A programme/manifesto, however revolutionary requires time and freedom of action, more so, when it comes in the wake of 11 years of Martial Law with all its incumbent distortions. In democratic norms/practice, it also requires a comfortable majority in the parliament as each measure has to receive the assent of the Parliament, i.e, the Assembly and the Senate. This was appropriately denied through formation of IJI[33]. Simultaneously, the government has to operate in a free environment rather than limited by the President (who had assumed abnormal powers in 1985) and, in consequence, interpreted the constitution and rules of business according to his whims. This was true in the case of Judges appointment and in Admiral Sirohey’s[34], retirement. The then Army Chief General Aslam Beg had the ambition to usurp power during the period 1988-90 but lacked the courage! Initially, the IJI was formed, then it was ensured that Punjab not only went to the opposition (Nawaz Sharif) but remained in perpetual confrontation with the Centre. When they felt endangered by the stability of the government,  an effort was then made to remove her through a vote of no confidence, engineered by Mr. Nawaz Sharif, General Aslam Beg and, undoubtedly, with the blessings of the President GIK[35]! Mr. Nawaz Sharif took the parliamentarians to Changa Manga and later Murree (beginning the biggest bane of Pakistan politics…….. “Horse Trading”) and, of course dished out considerable financial (plots in Lahore etc) and other benefits. Yet, it did not succeed. Gen Aslam Beg weaned away the MQM[36] members from the coalition. A meeting having been held at Yunus Habib’s (Mehran Bank fame)[37] residence at Karachi. The agencies also felt endangered with the removal of General Hamid Gul (more famous for the fiasco at Jalabad — despite advice to the contrary) and the establishment of Air Chief Marshal Zulfiqar Committee, tasked to bring the intelligence agencies under a constitutional umbrella. The President had his own distorted interpretation of law with regards to the retirement of Admiral Sirohey (it would be recalled that the case was initiated by the Ministry of Defence, after due scrutiny of rules and precedent) and duly processed by Law Ministry). Next, the immature attempt of the Law Minister/Advisor to do down the senior, experienced and competent Attorney General. The episode of “Midnight Jackals”[38] to wean away PPP’s MNAs (members of the National Assembly). Two of the principal characters are today behind bars for corruption! Finally of course, Gen Beg felt threatened (after removal of Hamid Gul and the possible ouster of Admiral Sirohey). Need for brevity precludes fuller details, for these petty intrigues can only be covered in many volumes! As further proof of Beg’s ambitions (fortunately curtailed by lack of courage) which stand thwarted (his directing Mr. Yunas Habib at COAS house) to pay Rs. 50 million to Mr. Javed Hashmi[39] at the peak of “Operation Desert Storm” (Nawaz Sharif government) lends further credence to his ambitions. However, when all these measures failed the President, in total collusion with the COAS and the opposition, used 58(2) (b)[40] and removed the government. The supine superior judiciary placed the seal of confirmation, on an act, blatantly, unlawful.
It is to the credit of Ms Bhutto that despite all these intrigues/endeavours she succeeded in enforcing her programme: rationalising the sugar industry, spelling out sugar cane areas, benchmark for credit based on crushing capacity, the establishment of Board of Investment; providing job opportunity to the youth and overall improvement in the national economy, both, industrial and agricultural. The growth rate GDP and the stability of the Dollar are evident proof of her success. Her achievements must also be viewed in the context of the time frame, barely 2 years as against 5 years as ruled in the constitution, more so, when the first intrigue at destabilisation took place within 30 minutes of her oath-taking (i.e a Russian aircraft hijacked and heading towards Pakistan, her cool and composed response thwarted the attempt —details some other time)

28. What is your opinion about limiting or totally finishing the ISI’s political role?

In its classic role i.e. Intelligence, it has rendered yeoman service. However, it should neither have a political role nor dabble in politics. The bane in Pakistani politics since 1977, has been the active dabbling of the ISI in politics. Zia initiated this role for personal reasons and, since he was wearing many a hat simultaneously, institutions became intermixed. An additional factor was the Afghan Jehad, when at times, their assessment/action was at total variance with that of the government in office. An endeavour like the one reflected in the ACM Zulfiqar Committee Report and the proceedings pending in the Supreme Court should be the vehicle to bring about this change. It is claimed with great naivette that the ISI is under the direct control of the Chief Executive! If this was so, then how did the ISI pick up Asif Zardari[41], the Chief Executive’s spouse, from the Governor House Lahore in 1996? These are merely fictions and the reality is that it clobbered together the IJI in 1988, a claim personally made by the then DG ISI (Gen Hamid Gul); in 1990 the ISI distributed funds amongst politicans of their choice (Gen Asad Durrani; Affidavit in the Supreme Court). Initially, they brought together the MQM in 1985-86 and when it became a threat, Gen Javed Nasser raised the Haqiqi. All their measures have militated against the continuance/maturity of political institutions/governments. The take over in 1996 (Dismissal of PPP Government), was engineered by the ISI and not the 111 brigade as is the general practice. The confession on organizing the IJI in 1988; the distribution of funds by the ISI in 1990; the rigging of the 1997 elections are apt proof of their continued dabbling in politics.
It is hoped that the Supreme Court, when it finds the courage/moral fibre to proceed with the ISI Fund & Mehran Bank case may bring sanity to the entire system and apportion rightful responsibility to each institution. It is strange that the logic used in 1993 and 1996 was that they had responded to the president/supreme commander (National) rather than the Chief Executive and in 1998 they abandoned the Supreme Commander Sardar Farooq Leghari[42] and supported Nawaz Sharif, the Chief Executive. In brief/short, martial laws have been more in the nature of “economic necessity” rather than any national commitment, the Armed Forces feeling left out of the rat race for financial benefits!

29. It has been said that the 1988, 1990, 1997 Elections were rigged. In 1988 the system was relatively imperfect. However, it was made more perfect in 1990 and perfected totally in 1997. What is your opinion?

Undoubtedly, all elections since 1988 have been rigged to enable certain desired results. In 1988, the IJI was placed in opposition so as to limit the majority of the PPP. In 1990 the ISI not only disbursed funds to their favoured candidates but made analysis of the electoral rolls so as to ascertain those voters who generally did not cast their vote. These votes were then cast in favour of their favourite candidates. In 1993 there was a little respite as both the President and the PM were simultaneously given the marching orders. In 1997, the modus operandi was further streamlined and made effective. The candidates were issued different electoral rolls, one set to the favoured candidates with two to three additional pages. These pages contained the newly enrolled voters, this implied an additional 20-25 thousand votes (around 200 voters and with around 140 polling stations).
These additional pages were not available to the opposing candidate. These additional votes, since they could not be challenged, were cast between Iftari and Tarawih. Thus emerged the heavy mandate and the desired results! These additional pages were detected at a few stations, but went overlooked, as being an error on the part of the Election Commission/staff. It would be of interest to note that in each of these elections the first results were from remote areas like Maiwand (Dera Bugti) etc where no communications existed. Manipulation was also carried out at the Aiwan-e-Sadar where a “Control Centre” was established each time and the service of Justice S.A Nusrat and/or Gen Mujeeb and Rafaqat were utilised.

30. The PPP was a progressive party. How did its leaders allegedly get involved in capitalist activities? Further why did the PPP abandon its progressive outlook after 1988?

Every government and political party works within an environment. The political philosopy is designed/cut according to the obtainings/public desires.
When Mr. Bhutto assumed office there was despondency (aftermath of surrender at Dacca and failure of the Armed Forces in West Pakistan) and exploitation of the common man. Also, the threat from India persisted. He took necessary measures to overcome these: introduced populist politics, gave the right of Trade Unionism; nationalised industry, to break the steel grip of the industrialists over the labour; gave the right of obtaining passports and after opening avenues of job opportunity, oil as a weapon, ensured that large number of individuals went abroad to seek employment and benefit. Organised the Islamic Summit at Lahore. By giving observer status to PLO, enabled its entrance into the portals of UN; opted out of South Asian Sub-Continent and went back to the State’s Islamic roots. At home he succeeded in obtaining consensus on the 1973 Constitution, a document that still remains sacrosanct and inviolable, despite efforts by Dictators/ML authorities, including the present Junta. His high water mark, of course, was the launching of the nuclear programme, in response to the Indian blast at Pokhran. A singular measure (Balance of Terror) that has kept the Indians at bay. When Ms. Bhutto came into government, it was in the wake of the 1985 party less elections, which were designed to and did destroy the political party fabric. The issuance of Rs. 5 million as development fund by late Mr Mahbub-ul-Haq[43] (in fact a political bribe) not only formalised corruption in the body politics, but also reduced the MNA (members of the National Assembly) to the position of local councillor (drains, street paving etc came within the ambit of the MNA and legislation became secondary). Also, this introduced malpractices within the election system and, in consequence, implied heavy expenditure — i.e, 3 million to Rs. 5 million. These measures as all other measures undermined party conformity and the parliamentarians, on the pretext of covering the heavy election expenditures, began to seek undue favours. Loyalty was at a price! Despite these handicaps, the government continued to work unabatedly on a egalitarian programme. There are four major factors that confront society; One:- “Unemployment”, Two: “Inflation”, Three:- “The Security of Person and Property”, Fourth:- “Women Empowerment”. It can be said with due pride, that the government, based on merit and within the parameters of provincial quota, provided around 40,000 jobs, particularly to the educated youth. Secondly, it contained inflation within reasonable limits and there was no widespread dissatisfaction. Thirdly, the law and order and, in consequence, the security of person and property ensured. Fourthly, women empowerment. Women constitute 52% of our population — yet, they are not only debarred from the mainstream national endeavour, but also in most cases present a picture of abject exploitation. They are used for labour (a manual task) and at the receiving end of severe abuse. Resultantly; a “Women Development Division” was created; the First Women Bank, to provide job opportunity was established. Women Police Stations were opened; a lady was admitted into the PSP in officer rank and permitted to undergo training at the Police Academy, alongside with the male selectees. For the first time a lady was inducted into the PIA (Pakistan International Airlines) as a pilot — today, she is operating as captain of a Boeing aircraft. It was endeavoured to appoint a lady (Ms Shireen Mazari) as Vice Chancellor of the Quaid-e-Azam University — to be stopped only by the obduracy of Mr. Ghulam Ishaq Khan, the Chancellor. A massive socio-economic development programme was launched to provide electricity, gas, potable water, schools and colleges and other facilities to the neglected element of society. The ANF (Anti-Narcotics Force) was created so as to eliminate the menace of Narcotics.

31. How would you define your Taliban policy?

The Development of Taliban Factions in Afghanistan and Pakistan: A Geographical Account, February 2010 The Taliban movement was purely indigenous and a direct reaction to the intra group fighting of the erstwhile Jehadi Groups i.e. between Hikmatyar and Rabbani; Ahmed Shah Masoud, Dostam[44], Sayyaf[45] and others. The Afghan people had had enough of the infighting and desired peace so as to launch/undertake rehabilitation and reconstruction of Afghanistan. It also stemmed from a failure on the part of the Western Nations — after having achieved their objective (the destruction of Soviet Union) they abandoned the Afghans to their own devices. It would have been fair to launch a Marshall Plan or some such developmental activity. Regrettably, they failed to so so. The Pakistan Government (PPP) had no favourites and the only desire that motivated all activity was the unity, and integrity of Afghanistan and the well being of the Afghan people. In furtherance of this policy a tour (with permission from the Central Afghan Government — Rabbani) of S.W Afghanistan was undertaken. The purpose: Firstly, to prove to the world that peaceful conditions existed in the region; Secondly, the Central Asian Republics had attained political independence but not economic independence (integrated economy for 70 years); Thirdly, to utilise the energy sources available in the Central Asian republics by the entire region, including S.E Asia; Fourthly, to develop communication, and resultantly, trade between Central Asian Republics (markets) and India (industry) — Pakistan would act as a conduit and a single train/truck could take anyone/anything from Ukraine to Singapore uninterruptedly. Fifthly, and most importantly, enable the development of Gwadar port and thus reducing pressure on Karachi port (eliminating the persistent law and order problem). During the tour these issues were raised with the leaders, and possibly, fell on good ears. Subsequently, within the space of a week a large number of Diplomats (mostly Western) were taken to Herat and Kandahar so as to familiarise them with the situation, and the need to assist in the reconstruction and rehabilitation of Afghanistan and ameliorate the economic difficulties of the Afghan people. In view of the total absence of medicines and other essential goods a convoy with relief goods for Kandahar, Lashkargah, Shindand and Herat (organised through contribution from philanthrophists) arranged and despatched. The convoy was, regrettably, stopped at Kandahar by the Indo-Iranian Lobby.
Then Iranians were justified as the opening of this route would have spelt the death-knell to their own ambitions considering the Central Asian Republics as their backyard. Moreover, the Iranian route linking Ashkabad, Mashad, Tehran, Bunder Abbas was 3200 KMs, whereas the contemplated route was 1600 KM, with 800 KM, from Karachi to Chaman already developed. The Indians, however, were atypically foolish and could not see/identify their strategic economic interests! The Taliban (former Jehadis) sensing their economic interests being endangered, came to the rescue and released the convoy. The convoy then proceeded to its destination. However, the Taliban phenomena had commenced and then there was no stopping until they finally entered Kabul in September 1996. Consequent upon their entrance into Kabul in September 1996, negotiations were commenced/set apace between the Taliban and the Northern Alliance in October 1996. The negotiations, after a few shuttles, were successful and a draft agreement compiled — reflecting a numbers of issues. Article 5 stipulated the future political system — the establishment of a commission: composed of representative from all the provinces of Afghanistan, based on the population of each province; the representatives, provided/nominated by the respective province could be local or from amongst those settled abroad. The meetings (on Dostam’s request and agreed to by Taliban) would be in Kabul. The plan quite obviously was federal and one that would enable suitable representation to all ethnic, cultural and religious groups. Regrettably, Para 5 (at the time of the signing) was erased by Dr. Holls, the then UN representative on Afghanistan, and this caused a furore by the Northern Alliance and the agreement was stalled. Subsequently, Dostam made a number of requests seeking finalisation of the accord — the final one being on 3 November 1996. The same evening i.e. 3 November 1996, a meeting was summoned at the Aiwan-e-Saddar with the President, PM, the COAS, the DGISI and the Foreign Secretary in attendance. It was decided/ruled that I should proceed to Mazar-e-Sharif and have the agreement finalised on 5 November 1996. On the night 4/5 November, for reasons known to him, the President, acting under article 58 (2) (b), dismissed our government. The Afghans were, regrettably, once again left to their own devices and the power struggle continues unabated. A similar trade agreement/protocol was drawn up and signed between Kazakhstan, Kirghizia, China and Pakistan so as to enable movement of goods in the region via the Khunjrab Pass.
The Indians on their part have, regrettably, been not only short sighted but foolish and by siding with Iran (a natural antagonist — conflict of interest in Gulf and Indian Ocean) have lost the opportunity of a millennium to benefit from cheap/economic supply of power on the one hand and export of goods to Central Asia on the other. Nations, like individuals, at times act most foolishly and against their long term interests

32. What is your opinion about the Taliban Government and their
future relations with Pakistan?

The Taliban movement was purely an indigenous movement in response to the local environment/conditions. It must be added with all emphasis that in view of the cornerstone of our Afghan policy, unity and integrity of Afghanistan and the well-being of the Afghan people, this was not the ultimate. This is amply borne out by setting a pace negotiations between the Taliban and northern alliance in October 1996, after the Taliban’s entry into Kabul in September 1996. The negotiations were aimed at establishment of a broad based government and a possible federal structure so as to apportion due rights to all ethnic and religious groups. These measures would lead to peace and stability in Afghanistan and enable its reconstruction and rehabilitation. The Afghans (all groups) are not only friendly to Pakistan but consider it their second home —- which, in turn has demolished the Pakhtunistan bogey. It is my firm belief / faith that in the event of a future misadventure by India, it would find not only Afghan people, but also at least 100,000 fully trained and armed Afghans on our side. The sub continental balance of power has imperceptibly but effectively changed.

33. It has been said that the Zia regime acted as a mid-wife to the MQM and Sipah-i-Sahaba[46] in order to reduce the PPP influence in Sindh and Punjab and the ISI master minded the creation of MQM. How far is this correct? Further what was the degree of Indian involvement with MQM in Sindh?

One (MQM) was deliberate, while the Second (Sipah-e-Sahaba) was the outcome of flawed government policies. The MQM was indeed, not only organised by the Zia Regime (Intelligence Agencies) but also nurtured so as to weaken the hold of political parties like PPP and Jamaat-e-Islami[47]. The partyless elections helped the MQM in this agenda. Progressively, they not only fell into inimical hands (India) but also became a problem for the domestic government and in consequence, Javed Nasir[48] proudly proclaims that he (ISI) nurtured the Haqiqi[49]. But a genie once released from the bottle is uncontrollable and the Army (Intelligence Agencies) in their naivette failed to realise/understand these subtleties/niceties. The Sipah-e-Sahaba was the result of undue emphasis on religion. All dictators, lacking a manifesto/programme fall back on religion. This increases the tempo of the struggle between modernists (political forces) and fanatics (religious groups) and imperceptibly undermine the body fabric of national polity/direction. Simultaneously, these groups to further their programme, wittingly or unwittingly, become proxies of other fissiparous forces. The MQM, progressively fell into the hands of the Indians and Sipah-e-Sahaba, the Arabs. The TNFJ[50] and other linked groups covered Iranian interests. The MQM was undoubtedly, a boon for the Indians as at a very minimal/negligible expense (finance) brought the country’s economic and
industrial hub (Karachi-Hyderabad) to a grinding halt. With a handful of militants, they could hold the entire city (120 million) hostage. After the demise of Zia-ul-Haq, they found a new mentor in General Aslam Beg. There was no doubt that the MQM became Indian sponsored, recruitment being done by Javed Langra[51] from the Bihari Camps at Tongi (Bangladesh)! Being unscrupulous, they also took advantage of divided nature of families. They had established a number of training camps (Lucknow, Rajasthan and others) where they trained these elements and infiltrated them into Pakistan. The Indians not only financed the operations (weapons/livelihood) in Pakistan but also financed the grandoise life style of Altaf Hussain in the UK — such life style not being possible through charitable donations (skins on Eid)! The individuals to ensure an appropriate life style collected “Bhattas” from Industrialists and the rich — apart of course, from donations in kind (pulao etc) from marriage halls! Additionally, some religious groups in their zeal to recruit individuals for the Jehad in Kashmir, unwittingly, recruited individuals (Fahim Commando – MQM leader) from amongst the rank and file of MQM, and sent them for training to Afghanistan. No record being maintained these individuals joined the militancy in Karachi. The most damaging aspect was the rule/misrule of the late Jam Sadiq[52]. He provided employment to these individuals in the thousands in the Police, the KMC, the KWSB, the Steel Mills etc. Thus ensuring their economic well being. Similarly, he issued thousands of Arms Licences to these individuals. At one point the US was also enamoured (considering them oppressed) of them and were liberal in the issuance of visas etc. However, after “Khaji Ground” operation in 1995, they not only limited the visas but shifted the visa section to Islamabad, realising that a terrorist in Pakistan was a “would be” terrorist in US. I must in all honesty, reiterate that 99.9% of the Urdu speaking element (Mohajir being a misnomer after 50 years) did not support them and were, themselves hostage to militancy. After all the creation of Pakistan had been their need and their forefathers had rendered yeoman secrifices in its attainment. Further more, it was their fore-fathers who with sweat and blood converted an unknown locality (Mai Kulachee) into the great metropolis that it is today.

34. How did the MQM part ways with PPP in 1989. Was it due to the pressure of the then COAS and the ISI?

Initially, there were difficulties (of principle) in their joining the coalition. The MQM desired that all their terrorists be granted amnesty and cases against them be dropped. The Federal Government could not, for obvious reasons, accept these demands. However, the MQM realising the prinicipled stand of the government, withdrew their demand and joined the Coalition. However, in 1989 when the “No Confidence” move came up, General Aslam Beg, prevailed upon the MQM to withdraw their support. A meeting was held
at the house of Mr. Yunus Habib (Mehran Bank fame) and the MQM withdrew. Simultaneously, an effort was made by the Army and Mr. Mustafa Jatoi[53] to wean away the Sindhi members of the N.A.(National Assembly) At the time of their arrival at Islamabad Mr. Jatoi and late General Asif Nawaz (in uniform) were present to whisk them away. The plan, however, was largely foiled by my picking up the individuals from the aircraft at the tarmac. Rana Chander Singh[54] and a couple of others fell prey and were taken to Punjab House in Rawalpindi. The Pir of Ranipur[55] was evacuated from Rawalpindi and moved to an annexe of the PM House so as to thwart his kidnapping by the Punjab Police. The story of Cheema running across the aisle in the national assembly shouting “save me, save me” seeking the speakers protection is well known to warrant repetition! There are numerous other tales, the classic being the movement of parliamentarians to Changa Manga and later Murree. General Aslam Beg and the President Ghulam Ishaq Khan were totally hand in glove as they did not take notice or react to these non-constitutional endeavours.

35. What about human rights violations on part of Police/Rangers and extrajudicial killings in the 1995 disturbances in Karachi?

It was purely a slander campaign against the People’s Government, designed to influence the public and the superior judiciary when the case came up in the form of a writ petition. The Supreme Court, too, contrary to all recognised practices, accepted newspaper cutting as evidence — the same court, however, declined to accept similar proof when M. Rafiq Tarar[56], the sitting President, carried brief cases stashed with money to Quetta and Peshawar so as to influence the judges against their own Chief Justice! Nature has its own method of retribution! The public responded positively and ignoring the slander cast 35,000 votes in my favour in the 97 elections. The constituency, too, was the heart land of the MQM and it was largely the MQM vote. Additionally, it is standard practice that a judicial inquiry is conducted in each case where suspicions as to foul play appears and, in consequence, in Karachi, too, this practice was duly followed. The greatest of all proofs is the fact that no complaint as to excesses was lodged in the years following 1995, more so, when an Opposition Government was in office and the MQM was, atypically, part of the coalition. However, in 1992 the Nawaz Government had to induct the Army to suppress terrorism.

36. What are your impressions about the 1995 disturbances in Karachi?

In 1992, the Nawaz Government inducted the Army into IS Duties, though the Army is not designed to handle terrorism. In November 1994, responding to a major demand of the MQM leadership, the people’s government withdrew the Army, in the hope that this measure would bring normalcy. However, not only did peace not return but in fact terrorist activity increased. The problem, being essentially a political/socio-economic one, and the militancy only a manifestation rather than the malaise, the People’s Government decided on a three pronged policy. Firstly, restore peace, the essential/precursor of any other activity; Secondly, conduct negotiations with the MQM, an endeavour designed to bring MQM into the political mainstream; Finally, the launching of a massive socio-economic development programme to remove the economic/social anomalies. I was assigned the Law and Order aspect and to co-ordinate the effort of all the elements. At the outset, I would like to pay a tribute to the Intelligence Bureau (IB)[57], who rendered yeoman service and enabled targeted action. They succeeded where the ISI and MI (Military Intel) had totally failed. Tribute must also be paid to the Police, who despite heavy casualties (109 martyrs in period Jan-Jun 1995), responded with great courage and fortitude. The Rangers[58], too played a classic role and responded to all calls of assistance with great alacrity and there was total co-operation between the elements on the ground. It would be appropriate to single out the leadership of Mr. Masood Sharif[59] for his vision and organization of intelligence efforts; Mr. Shoaib Suddle[60] for his sedate temperament and outstanding integrity, thus acting as a beacon light to his subordinates. A mention of Mr. Saeed Khan the IG Police would also be appropriate as he not only co-ordinated all the police effort, but also ensured availability of strength from the moffusil. Finally, the unflapable Gen Akram, who responded in a cool and collected manner to all demands placed on his force, the Rangers. It is a tribute to the impartiality and even-handedness of all ranks that not a single case alleging excesses has been filed over the years, infact there has not even been a muted complaint. The MQM parliamentarians Mr. Aftab Sheikh and Mrs Nasreen Jalil, in particular and the others in general that they did not create problems in the senate. On arrival at Karachi on 1 July 1995, the press made inquiries as to the period it would take to quell the terrorism? My answer was Dec 95. However, thanks to the outstanding performance of the IB, the Police and the Rangers, the problem was, to all intent and purpose, over by Sept ’95. The remainder was merely mopping up and consolidation. Regrettably, the political aspect did not proceed apace and achieved very little. The socio-economic aspect was a great success and the massive funds earmarked and projects undertaken have found fruition in the succeeding years, viz the Liaquat Fly-Over being completed in April 2001. It is a compliment to the wisdom and sagacity of the then PM, Ms. Benazir Bhutto.
The story must, however, end on a sad note! Gen. Akram, Masood Sharif and Mr. Shoaib Suddle and Mr. Saeed Khan were, in recognition of their singular service awarded the Hilal-e-Shujaat (Civilian award for bravery). Gen Akram being from the army, has been able to retain his award. The notification with regards to the others was, contrary to all rules, cancelled by the unscrupulous President……. Sardar Farooq Leghari. However, since these
awards are in the nature of gallantry awards, they are not subject to cancellation and cudgels will have to be taken up in this behalf at an appropriate time! The whole espisode savours of rank ingratitude.

37. How would you compare the Rangers in IS Duties with FSF (Federal Security Force)[61]?

Events have come a full circle! What Mr. Bhutto could, with his vision, conceive in the 70s came about in the 90s (two decades later)!!!! It would be recalled that in 1972/73 there was a Police strike in the Punjab and the NWFP.  In the NWFP and Balochistan with the availability of two federal forces, the Frontier Constabulary[62] and the Frontier Corps[63], it did not pose a problem. However, in the Punjab it did pose a problem, more so when the Army refused to come to the assistance of the provincial government, although legally, even a district officer (DC) can summon the Army. This led to the raising of the FSF. No FSF unit was assigned to the NWFP as the FC and Frontier Corps already existed. Furthermore, when during the PNA agitation, the Police requested for Ranger support (Army being the last resort), they were informed that they could provide only 20 men, Mr. Fazal-e-Haq, the then IG, was totally amazed and commented that he could raise, a larger force from his village! The FSF, because of the disrepute of its commander, Masud Mahmood was disbanded immediately after imposition of Martial Law in July ’77. It may be of interest to add that the ammunition with which Mr. Ahmed Raza Kasuri’s, father was allegedly killed by the FSF, was never issued to FSF,  the Supreme Court was dishonest enough not to summon Colonel Wazir, the then Commandant Ammunition Depot Havelian to testify and thus belie the prosecution case.
Since the 1980s, Punjab Constabulary and Rangers have been raised in the Punjab and Sindh, apart, of course, from a horde of Frontier Constabulary and Frontier Corps, personnel. The Rangers, in Sindh, in view of this contingency, been divided into two elements: one, the operational element on the border (with HQ’s at Hyderabad); and the second dedicated purely for IS Duties at Karachi. History has more than vindicated Mr. Bhutto’s vision and measure.

38. What is your opinion about Murtaza Bhutto’s[64] gunning down in a police encounter. Was it a conspiracy to destabilise the PPP Government or was it an impromptu incident?

The case is subjudice and cannot be commented upon with honesty. Some day the true facts will emerge, linked with the fact as to who, despite his resistance/reservation, encouraged him to return to Pakistan so as to create problems for Ms. Bhutto, the then PM. However, it can be said with confidence that his life could have been saved if he had been moved to Jinnah Postgraduate or the Aga Khan Hospital which were designed to meet such emergencies. He was rushed to the Mideast Hospital (proximity), where neither staff (being a holiday) nor appropriate equipment were available — so much so that even the telephone key was not available.
(General Babar stated off the record that this was a job done by the Pakistani military intelligence but did not wish this to be published.He later reconfirmed this in a television interview later in which he stated that the ISI had a link with Murtaza assasination)
39. Why did Ms Bhutto get into confrontation with the Judiciary in her second tenure?

To enable a full perspective, it would be appropriate to comment on his (Sajjad Shah)[65] appointment. An appointment that was out of turn as he was not the senior most sitting judge. Ms. Bhutto, the then PM, normally consulted her cabinet colleagues when making such sensitive appointments. When she consulted Iqbal Haider[66] and myself, we advised that she should strictly abide by the seniority and thus each individual would remain for a year or so and retire. No individual would be able to entrench himself. However, the Shahs (Syeds) of Sindh, a formidable group, prevailed upon her to appoint Mr. Sajjad Ali Shah. Thus the die was cast, and once safely placed in his saddle he launched on a venture of “Judicial Activism”. The CJ (Chief Justice) began to conjure visions of glory and political ambition! The role of the Judiciary, as listed in the constitution, is the ‘interpretation’ of law and dispensing justice. They have no business to indulge in politics. Sajjad Ali Shah’s, indulgence in “Judicial Activism” is proven by the fact that he was involved in a similar confrontation with the PML (Pakistan Muslim League) government of Nawaz Sharif. Judicial activism and the tacit collusion/support of Sardar Farooq Leghari, the then President, was the common factor in both cases. It is inconceivable that the same CJ gets involved in confrontation with two successive elected Prime Ministers (the prime source of constitutional authority). However, he met his Waterloo when the supine President, lacking in moral fibre, abandoned him at the critical moment.

40. Some critics assert that since her marriage the major political decisions have been made by Mr. Asif Zardari. How far is this allegation correct?

This is a baseless allegation. Ms. Bhutto possessed not only a brilliant intellect but was also deeply steeped in political acumen. All decisions (specially important ones) were either discussed at the Cabinet/ECC or in private with Ministers like the case cited above or the appointment of COAS/promotion of officers to Lieutenant General rank and Zardari figured in none of these discussions/decisions. Since they could not attack her directly so they used Zardari as a stick to beat her with. Undoubtedly, there must have been instances but these generally related to bad choice of friends or unscrupulous MNAs. I may also add that if the army builds a ‘Polo Ground’ at Kharian at
state expense (although one already exists) no questions are asked but if a piece of land of the PM’s house is used for similar purpose it becomes scandalous. Also, no questions are asked when the succeeding PM converts/uses the same ground for cricket! People then rightfully/legitimately ask as to the difference in similar cases by a Sindhi and a Punjabi.

41. Why did Farooq Leghari partways with the PPP? Was it due to ideological reasons or because of personal reasons i.e. was it a matter of principle or a case of clash of egos?

Sardar Farooq Leghari had become over ambitious and corrupt. In his stint as Finance Minister with the caretaker government he had obtained 30 million from Yunus Habib (Mehran Gate fame) although only 15 million were indicated in his bank account against a supposed sale of land to the frontmen (servants) of Mr. Yunus Habib. The deal was shady because the physical possession of the land was never taken. Resultantly, when the cabinet was being formed he was involved with Ms. Bhutto in a prolonged discussion/confrontation as he desired (having tasted blood) to become the Finance Minister rather than accept the Foreign Minister’s slot that was being offered to him. After a long discussion in which I was also a participant he was made to accept the job of Foreign Minister.
Ms. Bhutto like her father, has been trusting of their colleagues and suffered in consequence. Despite the discussion above, she was magnanimous enough to nominate and have him elected as President. As President too, she not only accorded him due respect, consulted him on all major issues but also encouraged him to preside over/address all functions that she was unable to attend. These assignments went to his head and he began to conjure visions of personal grandeur. He then insisted on and had General Jehangir Karamat[67] appointed as COAS. The two then began to collude, the common ground being the ISI case in the Supreme Court (against funding of select individuals in the 1990 elections). He feared that he would also be exposed (30 million from Yunus Habib). Furthermore, because of his earlier political association he also began colluding with the Jamaat-e-Islami, a party that only opposes and launches movements against elected political governments. He was fully a party to the Jamaat march on Islamabad. Regrettably, this also failed as they did not expect the army to respond to the call of the PPP government and against the Jamaat-e-Islami. Thus, he resorted to article 58(2) (b) and dismissed the elected government and that too of the party that had brought him to the pinnacle of power. The Supreme Court (where he already had a ready partner in the CJ) atypically supported the removal of government and dismissal of the assemblies. However, the NWFP Government under Aftab Khan Sherpao[68] was initially left intact. A Caretaker Government was formed under another “turncoat” (Mr. Meraj Khalid[69],  incidentally, who had also received Two Lakhs from the ISI in 1990). The long term plan was to remove the Caretaker Government and form a fresh Interim Government for two to three years under himself and with Aftab Sherpao[70], a collaborator, as Prime Minister. Gen Jehangir Karamat, lacking the moral fibre, got cold feet and declined to support any further ventures and, in consequence, fresh elections were held. Elections that were once again massively and scientifically rigged, and led to the ‘heavy mandate’ of Nawaz Sharif. Nature’s retribution was swift in coming, and Nawaz Sharif, borrowing a leaf from Machiavelli successively removed the CJ, Farooq Leghari, and finally, Gen Jehangir Karamat, the COAS. Bearing a guilty conscience all went like docile lambs.

42. Why did you contest the 1997 elections from Karachi?

My natural constituency was NA IV, my home district and from where I had been returned in 1993. I filed my papers for NA IV. However, in view of the adverse propaganda that excesses had been perpetrated during 1995, restoration of law and order and that this fact had also been cited as one of the reasons for removal of the government under 58(2) (b), it was encumbent that I should contest elections from Karachi. I was so ordered by Ms. Bhutto, whose cabinet member I had been and I unhesitatingly complied——- though well aware that it would be an exercise in futility as Farooq Leghari would ensure that I lost. This was even more essential as, in its atypical manner, the Supreme Court had authenticated the measure of dismissal—based on newspaper cuttings as the only evidence placed on record. The constituency that I contested from was the heartland of Urdu speaking community and it is to their credit that, despite numerous interferences (including the additional pages) by the agencies they cast 35,000 votes in my favour. Whereas, I took out numerous rallies as it was an elongated constituency and addressed numerous public meetings. The eventual winner Ejaz Shafi could not even appear in the area——- though, because of the massive availability of funds, he had opened numerous offices providing high cost facilities. It would also be appropriate that Mr Imran Khan, masquerading as a national leader could not visit the area and his publicity limited to screening of “World Cup” matches. Needless to state he forfeited his security. It would be proved if proof was needed of our impartiality in the restoring of law and order. And, in a manner, was a slap in the face of Sardar Farooq Leghari, his coterie and the members of the bench, who had, without appropriate evidence applied the seal of authentication/validity on the proceedings.

43. How do you compare the Pakistan Army of 1947-48, 1965, 1971 and 2001 with each other in terms of military spirit/virtue, quality of leadership at higher and lower level?

A rather sicklist question! The Army of 1947, was nascent and ill- equipped. The bulk of the army being of mixed class groups, the units had to be re-organised on arrival in Pakistan. India, playing its atypical Chanakian role, did not release the entire share of equipment and, where it did, it was of little use:
all boots of size 8; disparate weapons and ammunition etc. The major failing being that all the Ordnance factories were located in India. Therefore, it had to start virtually at scratch. While these Herculean problems were not enough, the problem of Kashmir was thrust on us. In addition of course was the security to be provided to convoys of refugees after the engineered Radcliffe and Badge Awards. Despite all these handicaps, the Army was highly motivated and displayed no inferiority. It is to the credit of the political and the military leadership that it not only met but overcame all these challenges. The officers had served in Burma, Middle East and other areas as part of the Indian Army and had some experience. The public too was highly motivated and it was, thanks to the Lashkars, that we did manage to retain the area of Azad Kashmir. Being short of officers the former INA officer/JCOs, etc. were inducted and they played havoc with Indian regulars. Brigadier Sadiq Satti laid the foundation of AK Army and being short of officers — quite naturally Subedars etc commanded battalions, SMs, (Hony Captains) commanded Brigades. The senior officers, but for rare instances, like Gen Akbar Khan and Sher Khan, displayed lack of courage/military sense. The political leadership also erred (after the sad demise of Quaid-e- Azam) and agreed to a ceasefire (Jan 49) when the army was poised to attack Beri Pattan (area of Akhnoor) and with Banihall Pass (route) not available due to snow, the Indian Army deployed in the valley would have been cut off. This led to a natural reaction, the Rawalpindi Conspiracy. In the interim Gen Sher Khan and Gen Iftikhar died in an air crash on their way to the UN. It led to the appointment of Gen Ayub Khan as C-in-C. The nation and Army remained spirited and motivated. This was reflected in the historic “Liaquat fist” which aptly symbolised the national will. The next water shed came in 1954, when we joined the CENTO and SEATO and, in consequence, received military equipment from the US as well as training facilities at their military schools. Though we lost neighbours like USSR (Russia) and China (went into NAM) against whom the pacts were to act as bulwark, the army’s quality of training and standard of equipment improved drastically. However, in 1958 came the Martial Law and brought in its wake, corruption and desire for properties etc. — the allotment of urban properties and agricultural lands — the army was never to come out of this quagmire. In 1962, came the Sino-Indian war and the army, by and large, felt that taking advantage of India’s abject straits (roundly beaten by the Chinese) and the improved equipment’s availability, we should have taken advantage and occupied/recovered the remaining areas of J & K (Occupied Kashmir). To the contrary, Gen Ayub, by then President, offered a “No War Pact”. His support within the army began to wane. By 1965, the opinion in the army at all levels was that a time of “do or die” has arrived vis-a-vis India. The Indians having taken the debacle of 1962, to heart had begun a massive equipping and re-organization of the army. The first opportunity to come in the marshes of the Rann of Kutch Operation in early 1965. The Indians in keeping with their tradition, decided to occupy the Rann — believing that it contained large oil
reserves. The operations of 51 Brigade were about even. However, 6 Brigade under the dynamic command of Brigadier (later Maj Gen) Eftikhar not only decimated them but also put them to total rout. The threat of F- 104’s overhead, kept the IAF at bay. This operation was followed by “Operation Gibraltar” and “Grand Slam”. While “Operation Gibraltar” failing to take ground realities into account failed, “Grand Slam” having been brilliantly planned strategically failed because of the army high command’s indecision procrastination vacillation and irresolution! Similarly, the operation in the south (Khem Karan) area was brilliant in conception but failed due to faulty timings and lack of co-ordination. The army then merely responded to situations rather than abiding with the original plan. The PAF executed their plans brilliantly and destroyed a large component either on the ground or in air battles. In the army the young officers fought with courage and dedication and established a world record at the OR/officer ratio of martyrdom — they had surpassed even the Israelis. However, the political (President Ayub) and the army high command (Gen Musa) etc. cost us the war and it ended in stalemate (though keeping the disparities in mind, we had achieved a marginal advantage). The 1966 Tashkent Agreement took a heavy toll of the political leadership and FM Ayub was ousted by a new adventurer/usurper Gen Yahya in 1969. In 1969, the Agartala Conspiracy took place and Mujeeb, who, by now, was totally in the Indian camp, was arrested to be tried. The trial could not take place because of the misplaced obduracy (thanks to inadequacy of information) of politicians who were to participate in the round table conference summoned by President. The chicken hearted President gave in and Mujeeb was released — despite advise by the Law Minister (Manzoor Qadir) that he (Mujib) should be tried, guilt established and then granted clemency (remission of punishment). The die was now cast. In 1970, using his “Six Points” as his manifesto he launched on the secessionist plan. The Cyclone in Dec 70 and the cool response to it in the sense that Yahya visited only once and that, too, while returning from China and the fact that relief/aid was received from all over the world, less West Pakistan. The Press (local Bengalis) and international played havoc by spewing poison. The election (which normally should have been postponed) that followed cast the ultimate dagger in breast of nationalism. The Bengali psyche, influenced for years, now totally changed and resulted in the most unfair elections. No opposition party could hold a party meeting/rally, nor could they establish polling stations etc. Resultantly, only two indiviuals (Non-Awami League) were elected. India, too, sensing an opportunity of a millennium added fuel to the fire — not only through the media but also by the way of training the Mukti Bahini. The higher rank of officers (Maj Gen Farman etc.) had sensed that E Pakistan had become a millstone and to be got rid of through an honourable method. The final nail in the coffin was the intemperate behaviour of Yahya Khan, in a bout of drunkenness, with the Russian President at Tehran, during the Pahlavi celebrations. If 1965, was the Zenith, then 1971, was the Nadir. The Army was effectively in control of both, civil and military and, in consequence, must accept full blame for the fiasco and ignominy. The first mistake was the withdrawal of Gen Tikka, who had restored normalcy and afforded an opportunity for negotiations. The military junta, however, was in no mood for a political solution to a manifest political issue. Next, was the despatch of Gen AAK Niazi as commander, Eastern Command. The general officer lacked moral, mental and physical capacity for the task. He changed the eloborate plan made in 1968 and resorted to his pet “strong point” defence, in a totally hostile environment. This was to progressively spell disaster. In West Pakistan, too, the top leadership continued their unabashedly colourful life, made no plans for the impending conflict and went to the extent of not even informing the senior commanders with regards to the fast approaching calamity. The formations, the vast bulk of them, were informed only 24 hours in advance and thus belied the strategic concept of “the defence of E Pakistan lies in West Pakistan”. The strike force north and south remained uncommitted —- one spent the war in entraining and detraining. The effort in the South – Rahimyar Khan, proved a disaster, without air cover. Although, it was largely due to PAF insistence that the “D Day” was fixed, yet, it was the PAF that did not/could not respond. In the South, Jacobabad had not been activated and, in consequence, air support impossible. The only credible operation took place in Chamb, where considerable area was captured. However, here too, a major thrust was made impossible by the non-availability of 17 Division, because of the dilemma raised by the Commander 1 Corps, Gen Irshad. It was due to the courage, leadership and leading from the front effort of late General Eftikhar Khan that made possible the success. Air Commodore Saeed Ullah, visited the HQs on D-Day and, on behalf of the PAF, made tall promises none of which were to materialise when battle was joined. In view of the “masterly inactivity” in Strike Force North, the middle rank Brigadier and the Junior Officers mutinied and took over the command. In E Pakistan, because of imcompetent leadership, except at Company and Platoon level the war ended in ignominy, defeat and surrender. If the defeat was not enough, the surrender was even more ignominious – putting to shame the entire course of history of the Muslims in India. The main cause was the pathetic leadership — who once, operations started not only lost their nerve but also abandoned their command. In 1972, they found a Chief Executive (President later PM) who rendered yeoman service: the release of 90,000 PWs (out of which 34,000 were civilians/non combatants) and return of considerable territory in Indian hands. He re-created (re-raised) the formations that had dissolved in E Pakistan. He directed a commission of inquiry — the Hamood-ur-Rehman commission. The Commission, included General Altaf Qadir, a brilliant intellect and an officer who had a bent for detail. The commission not only identified the failures in command but also the shortcomings — structural, organisational and training. In consequence, the National Defence College the
Joint Staff Committee were established etc. Mr. Bhutto, made an effort to make the local industry cater for the service requirement, as in all conflicts — 65 & 71, restrictions were imposed by the US and West to the resupply of weapons and spares. Thus he established: the Kamra Aeronautical Complex; the Heavy Mechanical Complex. The Tank Rebuild Factory and, above all, launched the nuclear programme. It is this “balance of terror” that has enabled 30 years of respite. The publication of the Hamood-ur-Rehman Commission was not taken in hand because of the implicit pleadings of the army. The COAS felt that the army had already fallen into disrepute because of the abject surrender in 1971 and, if the report was published, the public would lynch the army personnel. Being a nationalist he acquiesced and the endorsement remains on the file. In gratitude, the army sent him to the gallows. In 2001, it can be said that while the Junior Officer remains as motivated as ever and prepared for the supreme sacrifice —- Siachen and, particularly, Kargil are classic cases. A glance at the roll of honour clearly reveals that their sacrifices are at the same level as 65, if not higher. The same cannot, however, be said for the senior ranks. It is the senior ranks, though better trained than ever lack the mental stability — the withdrawal at Kargil. Undoubtedly, they found a convenient peg at placing the blame on the political government — but then, the withdrawal must have been with their connivance. Thus another historical opportunity had been frittered away! It recalls to mind, my opposition, when consulted to the appointment of Gen Jehangir Karamat as COAS. In 1989/90 an incident (depicted in Alpha, Bravo, Charlie) took place in Siachen, when to meet a possible threat of Indian occupation of a strategic height, personnel of 45 AK were cargo slung lifted with helicopters and landed on a strategic height. Within 24 hrs, at a request of the then COAS, Gen Beg, a meeting was summoned at the Aiwan-e-Sadr. As the Army High Command had begun to get cold feet. Being Security Advisor to the PM, I attended the meeting. The meeting began with: a briefing by the then DGISI (Gen Hamid Gul — Jalalabad fame) a story of counsels of fear; then a briefing by Gen Jehangir Karamat, the then DGMO (Director General Military Operations Pakistan Army), spelling a picture of doom and recommending withdrawal. Gen Beg, of course, concurred with the renditions. The reasons — artillery fire and lack of logistic support. Being a gunner and aviator I spelt out the situation (space precludes detail) and the PM directed holding on for another 24/48 hours. The Indians withdrew.
Another major reason for the failure in command is the fact that most of the senior officers have either not seen war or either had barely joined the army in 1965. The promotions today, as against the past, are largely based as performance at the war course, NDC etc, rather than war experience and this has even led, to the fudging of course reports at the MS branch.
Finally, the single largest factor that has militated against high quality of performance has been: First, secondment of good officers to the civil services — largely, again on political contacts, Secondly, the continual interventions —- imposition of Martial Law, and, in consequence, employment on ML duties. In the 70’s misuse of staff car was considered an offence — today, they are used at will — apart, of course, from the fact that most General Officers retain 7-8 cars. The allotment of plots and agricultural land has been another bane, resulting in fudging of qualification points in the W & R Directorate (Welfare and Rehabilitaion Directorate, Adjutant General’s Branch, Army). Corruption continues unabated. Recent purchase of defective meters by WAPDA (Pakistan Water and Power Development Authority) from Lithuania is a classic case. It will take a Herculean effort to rectify the situation — although the Junior Officer and the rank and file retain their erstwhile quality. The senior officer will have to learn that “death comes but once”, at the destined time and even the Pharoahs could not take their worldly wealth with them. The ultimate is six yards of coffin cloth, space for the grave and a heap of earth for the mound.

44. What do you have to say about the so-called accountability drive launched by the present military regime?

Accountability is a farce. This was well proved once Nawaz Sharif was pardoned. Another test case is that of Qidwai a highly corrupt man who is Pakistan’s Ambassador in Kenya and goes around bragging everywhere that it was he who persuaded Mr Nawaz Sharif into appointing Musharraf the Army Chief! Furthermore, important segments like Armed Forces officers, judges and ulema[71] have been excluded, They are no angels! After the release and exile of Nawaz Sharif and family, it has lost the moral angle — the most important aspect of any accountability. It sounded romantic and sublime when announced on 12 Oct 99 but has been progressively reduced to the ridiculous. Today, it is too selective to warrant any approbation, as important element of society have been excluded to wit; the Armed Forces (particularly the generals and their progeny); the religious leaders-the JI has still to respond and clear its position vis-a-vis the 5 million received from ISI in 1990; finally, and most importantly, the superior judiciary. The continued sitting on the bench by Malik Qayum[72] and Rashid Aziz[73] have brought the entire judiciary into disrepute. Add to it the beneficiaries of the alleged brief cases carried by the Hon’ble President. Apparently the system has lost total sense of direction. In an atypical manner it has come down to the traditional level of “patwaris”[74], tehsildars[75] etc. Rather than the Chairman Pakistan Steel Mill, who from the position of security officer and despite an FIR-1/97, has moved upwards the reason, being a course mate of the Chief Executive, it makes a sad reading when one sees people, who contracted the floating coffins (Frigates type 21); the mine sweepers; the alleged tank deal and—. The tales of numerous plots and agricultural holdings do not require repetition. If the Service Chiefs receive a plot and dispose of for Rs. 20 million,
it is honourable, as also, if a DGISI, obtains a Bengali plot (allotment banned by the Mohtasib — through an application filed by me in 1990, so that residential accommodation can be built for government servants) it is justified and honourable. However, if a similar allocation is made to a politician, it constitutes a crime. The Armed Forces (Senior Officers) have formalised their corruption by taking over and alloting prized land in the cantonments (despite the fact that all land is, basically, provincial and given to the army for specific purposes and legitimately where the specific purpose is over, it should lapse to the respective province) which is a sacred trust. Similarly, prized governmental agricultural land is similarly allotted without any qualms of conscience. The Armed Forces, as a preliminary, need to do some keen soul searching and dispense with the differing standards —(what is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander.”!)

45. What is your advice to the present military regime? The Armed Forces, should abandon their political ambitions and at the first opportunity hold free, fair and impartial elections (unlike the rigged elections — by their own confession of “88, 90 and 97”) and get out. This would bring them respect and sobriety to the society.
46. What political and economic solution do you propose in the present conditions?
A return to democracy. The junta has totally failed in achieving any of its agenda points. They were sweet music on 12th October 1999 but are a nightmare today. They should, without delay, hold fair and transparent elections (unlike the rigged election of 88, 90 and 97) and hand over governance to the political elements. It is only political governments, supported by the will of the people that can take correct and appropriate political and economic decisions. Since political parties work under the umbrella of manifesto/programme their measures are in keeping with the aspirations of the people.

47. What is the future of politics in Pakistan?

The future of politics in Pakistan is bright, provided the army refrains from continual interventions. The interventions have, generally, created more problems than resolved them. The limited Martial Law of 1954, based on the anti-Qadiani Movement[76] set the pace. The 1958 Martial Law, because of the One Unit[77], a brainchild of the Field Marshal, set in motion the ultimate secession of E Pakistan. It gave rise to the economic disparities in society (22 families[78]) and the two wings of the country — leading to the Six Points[79] and, ultimately, secession. By curtailing political activity, they deny communication with the people and thus set in motion patterns that are in conflict with the aspirations of the people. The Yahya[80] intervention needs no comment. The Zia decade, in
the absence of manifesto/programme led to undue emphasis on religion and fanaticism. It ended up with leaving a heroin and Klashinkov culture — the nightmare of the nation since. Although two wrongs do not make a right — however, it will be seen that there have been worst instances of corruption — Estrada in Phillipines; Bill Clinton’s immorality (Monica Lewinsky) and reprieves — on final day of office); the German Chancellor Helmit Kohl; a host of Japanese PMs and ministers — who merely resign; the most glaring being “Bofors[81]” and “Tehelka[82]” are clear instances where the incidents — however, grave, have not led to military intervention but political activity/governance permitted to proceed __ as, in the ultimate, it is the people who are the best arbiter and decide the issue at elections.
Although no angels themselves, the Armed Forces intervene with alacrity and political maturity is delayed by another decade or so. The Indians have attained maturity and, in consequence, world recognition because of the emphasis on more and more politics and continual election process. We are the Pariah and they are the darlings of the West. Pakistan was created through a political process — based on the political vision of Iqbal[83] and the political will of the Quaid-e-Azam[84]. It received stability through a political process and vision of the Quaid-e-Awam[85], the 1973 Constitution and changing the pattern of politics to populism. Distortions, if any have come during periods of military interventions — including the debacle and ignominous surrender of 1971.
Therfore, if Pakistan has to survive, which, Inshallah, it will, there is no doubt that politics has to be permitted to mature and result in good governance as, political parties, have the will and strength of public opinion with them. 48. Do you plan to write your memoirs or some book on Pakistan? No. No one likes the truth and, if written with a conscience it would raise considerable controversy. The present article, too, has been written with a clear conscience and am prepared, if questioned, to substantiate the issues raised. Moreover, there has been a spate of writing in the recent past and do not feel that people would welcome any more scribbling.

49. How serious is the supposed religious militant threat in Pakistan?

The religious parties have not ever had a constructive role in the politics of Pakistan. The bulk of them (JUI[86] and JI[87]) were not only opposed to the creation of Pakistan but did not hesitate to call it Kafiristan[88]. Similarly, they called the Quaid-e-Azam as Kafir-e-Azam. It was these parties that brought about the first Martial Law in 1954 (anti-Qadiani riots). However, when their key leadership summoned before the Munir Commission[89], they could not render a unanimous definition of Islam or Muslim.
The role of Al-Shams[90] and Al-Badr[91] in the secession/sepration of East Pakistan is too well-known and recent to warrant detail. Similarly, they were in the forefront of the PNA Movement and proudly became the “B” team of Martial Law, until ousted as their services were no longer required. History would indicate that it is these elements that have played a fissiparous[92] role (division of the community into 72 sects — at last count). It is these forces that have prevented the creation of Pakistani nationalism. They have always clamoured about the Umma[93] rather than Pakistan. It is because of these efforts that we stand totally isolated. The JI joined the US bandwagon, in 1979, when on the invasion of Afghanistan, American dollars began to roll in. Today, they are opposed to the Taliban because their darling, the Hizb[94], has been ousted from authority. It is no secret that it was the Hizb leadership that was responsible for the in-fighting and instability in Afghanistan.
It would also be noted, historically, that these elements have always opposed political governments and been responsible for instability in Pakistan, being fully aware that they cannot enter the corridors of power through a political process — elections, they attempt to find ways and means through the backdoor. It is the wisdom of the common Pakistani, that they do not trust these parties for governance. It is no secret that they are responsible for sectarian troubles and playing as proxies for different powers. Finally, they all clamour for Jehad (despite a Fatwa[95] by Maulana Maudoodi[96] to the contrary) but at the expense of other people’s children. (in most cases their own children are comfortably settled in the US. It is this rank hyprocrisy that militates against their playing a political role) the recently concluded Deoband[97] Conference at Taru Jabba exposed their true colours vis-a-vis Jehad and the repression in Indian-held Kashmir.

50. A CIA report predicts fragmentation of Pakistan. What is your opinion? What are your thoughts about the future of Pakistan ?
Pakistan is here to stay. Despite all failings and setbacks, on the whole great progress has been made. The human mind is never satisfied. In 1947 Pakistan had hardly any industry. Since 1947 great progress has been made. Initially, Pakistan suffered great setbacks like the early death of Mr Jinnah, the aircraft crash in which Gen Iftikhar[98] and Sher Khan[99] died, the assassination of the first Prime Minister and selection of Ayub Khan a non-professional soldier with poor/nominal war record and a pathetic performance in the Punjab Boundary Force[100]. While the first Constituent Assembly[101] had delayed Constitution making and elections Ayub actively conspired with the bureaucrats to destabilise democracy. All these factors greatly retarded progress. But for Pakistan there would have been no Pakistani Presidents, PMs, Ministers, Governors or Generals etc. It has been a blessing. Look at the abject poverty and third rate citizenship of Muslims in India. If there was no opportunity the ilk of Beg, Jamal, Moin or Musharraf would not have come to Pakistan. We are generally an ungrateful people. In retrospect we are much better off in 2001 than in 1947. There is great hope. I have not lost faith in Pakistan’s future. I dismiss the assertion that Pakistan is a failed State!

[1] Major General Naseerullah Babar (Urdu: نصيرالله بابر ; 1928 – 10 January 2011) was a 2-star rank Major-General in the Pakistan Army, and the federal Interior Minister of Pakistan between 1993 and 1996. A Pakistan People’s Party’s leader, Babar was born in Pirpai, Nowshera, Khyber-Pukhtunkhwa Pakistan. His family is from the Babar tribe of Pashtuns and hails from the village of Pirpiai in district Nowshera. Babar was a Pakistan Army general, an Inspector General Frontier Corps and a senior central leader of Pakistan Peoples Party. He served as Governor of the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa from 1975–1977 under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s government as well as interior minister during Benazir Bhutto’s second government from 1993–1996. He was a Special Assistant in Benazir Bhutto’s first government from 1988–1990.
[2] Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (Urdu: ذوالفقار علی بھٹو , Sindhi: ذوالفقار علي ڀُٽو , IPA: [zʊlfɪqɑːɾ ɑli bʱʊʈːoː]) (5 January 1928 – 4 April 1979) was the 9th Prime Minister of Pakistan from 1973 to 1977, and as the 4th President of Pakistan from 1971 to 1973. He was the founder of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP)— the largest and most influential political party in Pakistan— and served as its chairman until his execution in 1979 on charges of murder.[2] His eldest daughter, Benazir Bhutto, would also serve as Prime minister, while his son Murtaza Bhutto, served as member of Parliament of Pakistan.[2]Educated at the University of California, Berkeley in the United States and the University of Oxford in the United Kingdom, Bhutto was noted for his progressive economic initiatives, industrialization, education, energy and foreign policy, and his intellectualism.[3] In addition to national security issues, Bhutto promoted his policies on the nationalization, health care, and social reforms.[3] Under his premiership, Pakistan’s Parliament gave approval and passed unanimously the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan, a supreme law that provides a parliamentary system to Pakistan, strengthened the Sino-Pak and Saudi-Pak relations, recognition of East-Pakistan as Bangladesh, and hosted the second Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC) in 1974 where he delegated and invited leaders from the Muslim world to Lahore, Punjab Province of Pakistan.[3] In July of 1972, Bhutto successfully proceeded the Shimla treaty, signed with Indira Gandhi of India, brought 93,000 Prisoners of War back to Pakistan, and secured 5,000 sq mi held by India.[3][4] In January 20th of 1972, weeks after the Indo-Pakistani 1971 winter war, Bhutto orchestrated, authorized, and administrated the scientific research on nuclear weapons; for this, he is colloquially known in the world as “Father of the Pakistan’s nuclear weapons programme”.[5]A serious secessionist and rebellious conflict occurred in Balochistan province in 1973, calling for independence from Pakistan.[6] In response, Bhutto ordered Pakistan Armed Forces an armed action, which was quelled by the Pakistan Armed Forces successfully in 1978.[6] Bhutto and his party won the parliamentary elections held in 1977. However, in a successful coup d’état led by General Zia-ul-Haq under codename Operation Fair Play; Bhutto was removed from the office and was held in Central Jail Rawalpindi (CJR) as General Zia-ul-Haq proclaimed himself as Chief Martial Law Administrator of Pakistan.[7] Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was executed in 1979 after the Supreme Court of Pakistan sentenced him to death for authorizing the murder of a political opponent,[8][9] in a move that many believe was done under the directives of Chief of Army Staff of Pakistan Army General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq.
[3] Abdul Qayyum Khan (16 July 1901 – 22 October 1981) was a major figure in Pakistan politics, in particular in the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province where
he served as deputy speaker, Chief Minister and Minister in the Central Government and as Federal Interior Minister.
[4] Sardar Ataullah Khan Mengal (Urdu: سردار عطاالله خان مينگل ), popularly known as Sardar Ataullah Mengal, is a well-known political and feudal figure of Pakistan hailing from Balochistan. He has been campaigning a nationalist and separatist movement in Pakistan for over four decades. He is the head of the Shahizai Mengal tribe. He was born in 1929 in Wadh, and became the first Chief Minister of Balochistan during Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s premiership from May 1, 1972 to February 13, 1973.
[5] The basic political organization of Baluch tribes centers around the Sardari system, which gives significant authority to each tribe’s Sardar, or chief. Each tribe operates along patron-client lines, where the Sardar will provide security and justice in exchange for the tribe’s loyalty. Political power, therefore, is concentrated in the office of Sardar, and these leaders are able to wield significant power. Sardars are often wealthy, and are large land owners. They have the power to levy taxes, appoint individuals to positions on the sub-tribal level, and are the primary communicators with outside political and economic influcences.[ref 57][ref 58]Sardars are also the interlocutors between the tribe and the outside world, as Paul Titus explains: “Baluch sardars represent a bridge between the world of the tribe and that of the city, the market, and the state. They represent and symbolize the tribe, and therefore their standing is part of the tribe’s honor….Though they undoubtedly act in large part to serve their own interests, sardars are also able to articulate the concerns of Baloch in relation to the various forces assailong them in a way that emphasizes their cultural identity.”[ref 59] In the urban areas where Baluch tribal organization has largely broken down, and sardars do not hold the authority that they do in the more rural, traditional parts of Baluchistan. A unique trait amongst the Baluchi is their inclusion of outsiders into their tribal structures. This practice gives further authority to Sardars. As Baluchi tribes do not define themselves through lineage and ancestry, the most important identifier of tribal association is loyalty to a Sardar. It is not uncommon for groups or individuals to leave one tribe and join another if they see a better future in it. Similarly uncommon is individuals who are not ethnically Baluch joining a Baluch tribe in order to better fit into a locale; the longer one stays in a Baluch tribe, however, the more likely it is that they will eventually be considered “Baluch.” This practice has made tracing tribal hierarchies amongst the Baluchi difficult, as names become confused as people move from tribe to tribe and adopt different names.[ref 60][ref 61] The Baluchi are well known for their dogged independence and resistance to outside interference in their lands. As their tribal dynamics are not tied to one another through kin affiliation, Baluchi groups are often as competitive with each other as they are with outside ethnic groups. Violent clashes between Baluchi tribes over resources and for revenge are not uncommon, and continue up until the current day. Even the widespread separatist sentiment within Blauch people and their their antipathy towards their respective states (especially amongst the Pakistani Baluch) does not over-come the internal divisions within their society.
[6] The Hyderabad tribunal (1975–1979) or Hyderabad conspiracy case is the name of a former judicial tribunal used in Pakistan to prosecute opposition politicians of the National Awami Party on the charges of treason and acting against the ideology of Pakistan. The tribunal was set up on the orders of Pakistani Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.The National Awami Party, which the government banned on February 10, 1975. The Supreme Court of Pakistan, on October 30, 1975, held that the party was working for an independent Pakhtunistan and greater Balochistan at the cost of Pakistan’s territorial integrity. It was ultimately wound up after General Zia-ul Haq overthrew Bhutto in 1977. A total of 52 people were arrested. Those arrested from the National Awami Party leadership included Khan Abdul Wali Khan, Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo, Nawab Khair Bakhsh Marri, Mir Gul Khan Nasir, Sardar Ataullah Mengal, Habib Jalib, Barrister Azizullah Shaikh, Aslam She-sani(Aslam Baluch), Aslam Kurd, Saleem Kurd, Sher Mohammad Marri (General Sherof), Najam Sehty, Saleem Pervez, Majid Gichki, Mir Abdul Wahid Kurd, Karnel Sultan Mengal and several other patriots. In addition, several members of the Muslim League and even prominent critics of Bhutto within his own Pakistan Peoples Party were also arrested.
[7] General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq (Punjabi, Urdu: محمد ضياء الحق ) (b. 12. August 1924–17 August 1988) was the sixth President of Pakistan from July 1977 to his death in August 1988. Distinguished by his role in the Black September in Jordan military operation in 1970, he was appointed Chief of Army Staff in 1976. After widespread civil disorder, he overthrew ruling Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in a bloodless coup d’état on 5. July 1977 and became the state’s third ruler to impose martial law. He initially ruled as Chief Martial Law Administrator, but later installed himself as the President of Pakistan in September 1978. Zia’s major domestic initiatives included the consolidation of the fledgling nuclear
program, which was initiated by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, denationalization and deregulation and the state’s Islamization. His tenure saw the disbanding of the Baloch insurgency. His endorsement of the Pakistan Muslim League (the founding party of Pakistan) initiated its mainstream revival[citation needed]. However, he is most remembered for his foreign policy; the subsidizing of the Mujahideen movement during the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan which led to the Soviet Russian withdrawal from Afghanistan. He was described by some as a “fundamentalist Sunni dictator”.[2] Zia died along with several of his top generals and then-United States Ambassador to Pakistan Arnold Lewis Raphel in a suspicious aircraft crash near Bahawalpur (Punjab) on 17. August 1988.
[8] Ajmal Khattak (Pashto: اجمل خټک )(Urdu: اجمل خٹک ) (born 15 September 1925, died 7 February 2010) was a Pakistani politician, writer, Pashtun poet, Khudai Khidmatgar, former President of Awami National Party and close friend of the late Khan Wali Khan.[1]His early student life was marked by active protesting against the British Raj, this was followed by his joining of the Khudai khidmatgar movement and anti-colonial Pashto poetry. Following the partition of India in 1947 he joined the National Awami Party and became a close friend of Abdul Wali Khan.He served as secretay general of the National Awami Party from 1969-1973. He was defeated by Maulana Abdul Haq in the 1970 general election, however following a crackdown against the Party by the government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Ajmal Khattak fled into exile to Kabul. He returned in 1986 and was elected in 1990 to Pakistan’s National Assembly, he was then elected President of the Awami National Party following the retirement of Wali Khan.[1] Following a power struggle in 2000, he briefly formed a breakaway party which was routed in the 2002 election. He rejoined the Awami National Party shortly afterwards and retired from active politics.
[9] Muhammad Azam Khan Hoti, Senator Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Hailing from a respectable and renowned political family of Mardan, Mr. Muhammad Azam Khan Hoti was born in Mardan on 27 April, 1946. After his early education at Government School Risalpur and later at the Aitchison College Lahore he did his graduation from the Degree College Nowshera. On the conclusion of his academic career, Mr Muhammad Azam Hoti opted for the Defence of the country and was commissioned in the Pakistan Army in 1967. He rose to the rank of Captain in the Armoured Corps of the Pakistan Army and also participated in the 1971 Indo-Pak war whereafter he sought retirement from Army on account of his domestic and family commitments. His interest in the public welfare activities and an urge to ameliorate the quality of life of the people of his area motivated Mr. Azam Hoti to enter into national politics in 1972 when he joined the National Awami Party. He remained a very active political and social worker under the banner of National Awami Party and again that of the Awami National Party after the banning of the NAP. Mr. Muhammad Azam Khan Hoti was elected as a member of National Assemlby from Mardan in 1990 on an ANP ticket. He also held the portfolio of the Ministry of Communications in the Federal Cabinet from September 1991 to May 1993.Mr. Azam Hoti was elected as a member of the Senate in March 1994 for a six year term. He is a member of the Senate Standing Committees on Water and Power and Planning, Development and Population Welfare.
[10] Sardar Mohammed Daoud Khan or Daud Khan (July 18, 1909 – April 27, 1978) was Prime Minister of Afghanistan from 1953 to 1963 and later becoming the President of Afghanistan. He overthrew the monarchy of his first cousin Mohammed Zahir Shah and declared himself as the first President of Afghanistan from 1973 until his assassination in 1978 as a result of the Saur Revolution led by the Communist People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA). Daoud Khan was known for his progressive policies, especially in relation to the rights of women, for initiating two five-year modernization plans
[11] The Special Service Group (SSG), also known as Black Storks, because of their distinctive headgear, the unit is also known as Maroon Beret, are a special operations military unit of the Pakistan Army mandated with six primary missions: unconventional warfare, foreign internal defense, special reconnaissance, direct action, hostage rescue, and counter-terrorism. The SSG is an independent commando division of Pakistan Army. It is an elite special operations force similar to the United States Army Special Forces (Green Berets) and the British Army’s SAS[citation needed]. The SSG regularly conducts its exercises with U.S. Special Forces, PLA Special Operations Forces, and Special Air Service of United Kingdom . Official numbers are put at 7,000 men, in 10 Battalions; however the actual strength is classified.[1] It is estimated to have been increased to 7 Battalions, with the eventual formation of 3 Brigades of Special Forces (9 Battalions). It is currently commanded by Maj Gen Furrukh Bashir. [citation
[12] The Directorate for Inter-Services Intelligence (more commonly known as Inter-Services Intelligence or simply by its initials ISI) is Pakistan’s premier intelligence agency. It is the largest of the three intelligence agencies of Pakistan, the others being the Intelligence Bureau (IB) and Military Intelligence (MI). Its headquarters are in Abpara, Islamabad. ISI was established as an independent intelligence agency in 1948 in order to strengthen the sharing of military intelligence between the three branches of Pakistan’s armed forces in the aftermath of the Indo-Pakistani War of 1947, which had exposed weaknesses in intelligence gathering, sharing and coordination between the Pakistan Army, Air Force and Navy. ISI’s headquarters are situated in Islamabad. It is currently headed by Lieutenant General Ahmad Shuja Pasha, who took over as ISI’s Director in September 2008.
[13] Aziz Ahmad –Aziz Ahmed, HPk, (Urdu: عزیز احمد ) (born 1906 – died 1982) was a career civil servant who was a close ally of former Presidents Muhammad Ayub Khan and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
 1 Early life and education
 2 Career as civil servant
 3 Association with President / Prime minister Z A Bhutto
 4 See also
 5 References
Early life and education
Aziz Ahmed was born in Taran Taran tehsil of Amritsar district in 1906 and educated atGovernment College, Lahore and subsequently at the University of Cambridge.
Career as civil servant
Aziz Ahmed was a senior member of the Indian Civil Service (ICS) and later Civil Service of Pakistan (CSP). He served in East Bengal prior to partition (1947) and was instrumental in getting the Debt Alleviation Act of 1935passed into legislation. Aziz Ahmed subsequently held several senior positions in successive administrations in newly-independent Pakistan. He was appointed as the first Chief Secretary of East Pakistan at a time when General Muhammad Ayub Khan was the General Officer Commanding for East Pakistan. The two developed a close friendship and when Ayub Khan declared martial law and assumed full powers in 1958, Aziz Ahmed was made the highest ranking civil servant in his government as Secretary General Cabinet Division and Deputy Martial Law Administrator. Subsequently he was sent as Pakistan Ambassador to the United States in 1959 and was instrumental in developing the strong ties between the two countries, that characterized the Eisenhower/Kennedy administrations of the early sixties. He returned in 1963 to take up the post ofForeign Secretary at a time when Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was the Foreign Minister.[1]. He gained further prominence at the national level in Pakistan, following the 1965 war with India. He was opposed to the signing of the Tashkent Declaration by Ayub Khan as was Bhutto. He retired from government service in 1966 and was assigned to head the National Press Trust.
Association with President / Prime minister Z A Bhutto
On 20 December 1971, after the fall of East Pakistan, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto took over as President of Pakistan and shortly thereafter summoned Aziz Ahmed out of retirement and appointed him Secretary General at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Subsequently Aziz Ahmed was regarded as one of Bhutto’s closest confidantes as Minister of State for Defence and Foreign Affairs[2] and finally as Foreign Minister for a few months, before the government was toppled in the military coup of 1977.[3] Aziz Ahmed assisted in negotiating the Simla Agreement between Pakistan and India in 1972 and organizing the Islamic Summit in 1974, where he headed Pakistan’s delegation along with Mr A G N Kazi and other senior officers. As Minister of Defence, he played a key role in re-building
Pakistan’s defence capability after the 1971 war with India as well as the development of the country’s nuclear programme. He remained a staunch opponent of the martial law regime of GeneralMuhammad Zia-ul-Haq until he died in 1982. He was a recipient of Pakistan’s high civil award, Hilal-e-Pakistan. On his death, he was survived by his wife Shereen Ahmed, two sons and two daughters.
[14] General Tikka Khan, HJ, HQA, SPk, (Punjabi, Urdu: ٹکا خان ; July 7, 1915 – March 28, 2002) was a 4-star general in the Pakistan Army who was the first Chief of Army Staff of the Pakistan Army from 3 March 1972 to 1 March 1976. He was also a military Governor of erstwhile East Pakistan (later, Bangladesh) and architect of Operation Searchlight. He was called the Butcher of Bengal for his ruthlessness against separatists in what became Bangladesh.
[15] Burhanuddin Rabbani (Persian: برهان الدين رباني – Burhânuddîn Rabbânî) (b. 1940), is a former President of Afghanistan.[1] Burhanuddin Rabbani is the leader of Jamiat-e Islami Afghanistan (Islamic Society of Afghanistan). He also served as the political head of the United Islamic Front for the Salvation of Afghanistan (UIFSA), an alliance of various political groups who fought against Taliban rule in Afghanistan. He served as President from 1992-1996 until he was forced to leave Kabul because of the Taliban takeover of the city. His government was recognized by many countries, as well as the United Nations. He is currently the head of Afghanistan National Front (known in the media as United National Front), the largest political opposition to Hamid Karzai’s government.
[16] Gulbuddin Hekmatyar (Pashto: ګلبدین حکمتيار Persian: گلبدین حکمتيار ) (born 1947) is an Afghan Mujahideen leader who is the founder and leader of the Hezb-e Islami political party and paramilitary group. Hekmatyar was a rebel military commander during the 1980s Soviet war in Afghanistan and was one of the key figures in the civil war that followed the Soviet withdrawal. He was Prime Minister of Afghanistan from 1993 to 1994 and again briefly in 1996. One of the most controversial of the Mujahideen leaders, he has been accused of spending “more time fighting other Mujahideen than killing Soviets” and wantonly killing civilians.[1]He is currently wanted by the United States for participating in terrorist actions with al Qaeda and the Taliban, and on 19 February 2003 the United States Department of State designated him as a “Specially Designated Global Terrorist”.
[17] Ahmad Shah Massoud (احمد شاه مسعود – Aḥmad Šāh Mas’ūd; September 2, 1953 – September 9, 2001) was a Kabul University engineering student turned military leader who played a leading role in driving the Soviet army out of Afghanistan, earning him the name Lion of Panjshir. His followers call him Āmir Sāhib-e Shahīd (Our Beloved Martyred Commander). A devout Sunni Muslim reportedly also always carrying a book of Sufi mystic Ghazali with him, he strongly rejected the interpretations of Islam followed by the Taliban, Al Qaeda or the Saudi establishment.[1] His followers not only saw him as a military commander but also as a spiritual leader.[1]Following the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan the Wall Street Journal named Massoud “the Afghan who won the Cold War”.[2] After the collapse of the communist Soviet-backed government of Mohammad Najibullah in 1992, Massoud became the Minister of Defense under the government of Burhanuddin Rabbani. Following the rise of the Taliban in 1996, Massoud returned to the role of an armed opposition leader, serving as the military commander and political leader of the United Islamic Front (also known in the West as Northern Alliance).On September 9, 2001, two days before the September 11 attacks in the United States, Massoud was assassinated in Takhar Province of Afghanistan by two suspected Arab al-Qaeda suicide bombers posing as journalists. The following year, he was named “National Hero” by the order of Afghan President Hamid Karzai. The date of his death, September 9, is observed as a national holiday known as “Massoud Day” in Afghanistan.[3] The year following his assassination, in 2002, Massoud was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize.
[18] Muhammad Ayub Khan (Urdu: محمد ايوب خان ), N.Pk., H.Pk., HJ, psc, (May 14, 1907 – April 19, 1974) was a Field Marshal in the Pakistan Army and the first military ruler of Pakistan, serving as the second President of Pakistan from 1958 to 1969. He became the Pakistan Army’s first native Commander in Chief in 1951, and was the youngest full general and self-appointed 5 star rank Field Marshal in Pakistan’s military history. Appointed Commander in Chief after the death of several senior generals, a combination of ambition and his distate for politicians led to his increased interference in
Pakistani politics. Close to President Iskander Mirza, Khan supported the President’s decision to declare martial law in 1958 but had ousted him shortly afterwards, becoming increasingly frustrated by the level of corruption, he overthrew the government and declared himself President.
[19] The Pakistan Peoples Party (Urdu: پاکستان پيپلز پارٹی ): is a social democratic, centre-left political party in Pakistan affiliated with Socialist International. Pakistan People’s Party is the largest political party of Pakistan. To date, its leader has always been a member of the Bhutto family or the Zardari family. Although its center lies in the southern province of Sindh, it also has considerable support in the more densely populated province of Punjab, Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa and Balochistan. The party has been elected to power four times since its formation.
[20] The Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) manifesto was to bring back the 1970 prices. Implementation of Islam was its election slogan. They promised to enforce Islamic laws “Nizam-e-Mustafa”, the Shariah. They were a conglomerate of diverse views and of contradictory causes, such as Asghar Khan’s secularism, Khan Abdul Wali Khan’s Socialism and Maulana Maududi’s hardline Islamism united by common dislike of Zulfiqar Bhutto’s autocratic policies. The alliance decided to contest the elections under one election symbol “plough” and a green flag with nine stars as its ensign.Contesting the 1977 elections jointly the PNA launched a national campaign against the government after the controversial and allegedly rigged results showing the Peoples Party as an overwhelming victory in the general elections. The agitation caught the Peoples Party by surprise and after several months of street fighting and demonstrations Bhutto opened negotiations with the then PNA leadership but whether or not it would have been signed by all PNA parties or by Bhutto remains open to speculation. An agreement was eventually reached in June 1977 and Bhutto was to sign it on July 5. However despite the enthusiasm of the negotiating team other PNA leaders had reservations about the agreement. The absence of a formal agreement between the government and the PNA was used as an excuse by the armed forces under Zia-ul-Haq to stage a coup in order to break the impasse. Those justifying the coup, argue that no agreement had been reached between the two sides. The Alliance split after the Army under Zia-ul-Haq ousted his government, between elements (Muslim League and religious groups) that supported the martial law government and those who opposed it. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto also tried to crush the power of this alliance, with the help of his agencies like, FSF and Ranger and for this reason was also considered for the cause of Bhutto’s hanging in 4 April 1979.
[21] Maulana Mufti Mahmud (Pashto: مولانا مفتى محمود ), an ethnic Marwat Pashtun hailing from Abdul Khel, was born in January 1919 in Paniala, Dera Ismail Khan District, Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, province of Pakistan. He was an Islamic scholar and political activist. Maulana Fazal-ur-Rehman is his son and was the leader of opposition in Pakistan.He fought in the Indian Independence Movement during the 1940s. He was a close ally of the Indian National Congress at the time and opposed the demand for Pakistan. Even after the Partition of India, when he moved to Pakistan, he remained a bitter enemy of the Muslim League.After the 1970 General Elections, he became the president of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam founded by Moulana Shabir Ahmed Usmani. And into a coalition with the National Awami Party & Pakistan Peoples Party. On March 1, 1972, he was elected as the Chief Minister of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. He along with his cabinet resigned in protest at the dismissal of the NAP – JUI (F) coalition government in Balochistan on 14 February 1973.He supported Afghan-Jihad against USSR (see also Soviet-Afghan War).He died on 14 October 1980. He was buried in Abdul Khel, Paniala, his home town.
[22] Mohammed Zahir Shah (15 October 1914 – 23 July 2007) was the last King (Shah) of Afghanistan, reigning for four decades, from 1933 until he was ousted by a coup in 1973. Following his return from exile he was given the title ‘Father of the Nation’ in 2002 which he held until his death.
[23] The Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW or RAW)[1] is India’s external intelligence agency. It was formed in September 1968 after the poor performance of the Intelligence Bureau (which handled both internal and external intelligence) in the Sino-Indian war of 1962 and the India-Pakistani war of 1965 convinced the then government of India that a specialized, independent agency was required for competent external intelligence gathering.The primary function of the R&AW is collection of external intelligence, counter-terrorism and covert operations. In addition, it is responsible for obtaining and analyzing information about foreign governments, corporations, and persons, in order to advise Indian policymakers.[2][3][4]The R&AW has its headquarters in New Delhi, and the current director of the organization is Sanjeev Tripathi, a 1973 Uttar Pradesh batch IPS officer who later shifted to the R&AW Allied Service (RAS) cadre
[24] Sardar Mumtaz Ali Khan Bhutto (Urdu: سردار ممتاز علی خان بھٹو ) (born 29.11.1933[1]) is the first cousin of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, chief of the Bhutto clan and chairman of the Sindh National Front and Sindh Qaumi Itehad. Sardar Mumtaz Ali Bhutto was the founding member of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), former federal minister, Governor of Sindh and Chief Minister of Sindh.
[25] Kausar Niazi, commonly known as Maulana Kausar Niazi (1934-1994), was a Pakistani politician and a religious leader in Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP). Niazi, in Bhutto’s premiership cabinet, was a most powerful federal minister in Pakistan during 1974 till 1977. Niazi was among one of the close aid and trusted confident of Bhutto who remained loyal to Bhutto until his death. He was born in Musa Khel district, Mianwali. He was a religious scholar and orator, who made a name for himself in politics, and was a member in Bhutto’s the Federal Cabinet. He served as a minister and assisted Bhutto for 6 years. He was also a member of the Pakistan Peoples Party. He served as the minister of Religious & Minorities Affairs till 1976 and was later appointed the Federal Information Minister. Maulana Kausar Niazi said that Zia-ul-Haq had deposed and ultimately destroyed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. He later visited India as the goodwill emissary of the acting Prime Minister Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi.In his later years, Maulana Kausar Niazi was rewarded for his loyalty to the Bhutto clan by being nominated to serve as the Chairman of the Islamic Ideology Council during Ms Benazir Bhutto’s second government.
[26] Mir Afzal Khan was a Pakistani politician from the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan. He served as the 16th Chief Minister of the province from the 7th of August, 1990 to 19 July 1993
[27] Begum Nusrat Bhutto (Sindhi: بيگم نصرت ڀھٽو , Urdu: بيگم نصرت بھٹو ) (born March 23, 1929) is an Iranian-Pakistani politician who was the former First Lady of Pakistan and widow of former Prime minister of Pakistan Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. She became her husband’s successor as the chairman of Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) from 1979-1983. She is also the mother of the late PPP chairman and former Pakistani Prime Minister, Benazir Bhutto
[28] Mian Mohammad Nawaz Sharif, (Punjabi, Urdu: مياں محمد نواز شريف ) (born 25 December 1949) is a Pakistani politician who served as Prime Minister of Pakistan in two non-consecutive terms (November 1990-July 1993 and February 1997-October 1999). He leads the political party, Pakistan Muslim League (N). He was Chief Minister of Punjab from 1985 to 1990. He owns Ittefaq Group, a private steel mill enterprise.He is a wealthy businessman and a conservative politician. His first term was shortened after the Pakistan Army pressured him to resign. In 1997, he was overwhelmingly elected for a second term by wide margins. During his second term, he notably ordered Pakistan’s first nuclear tests in response to India’s nuclear tests.[1] He was ousted in an October 1999 military coup by Pervez Musharraf. He returned to Pakistan in late 2007 after eight years of forced exile. He successfully called for Musharraf’s impeachment and the reinstatement of Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry. He is a potent force in Pakistani politics
[29] The Pakistan Muslim League (N) (Urdu: پاکستان مسلم ليگ ن ) is a political party in Pakistan. It is led by former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. The Pakistan Muslim League was founded in 1962, as a successor to the previously disbanded Muslim League (itself the successor to the pre-partition All-India Muslim League). In 1988 general elections, Pakistan Muslim League that was led by late former prime minister Muhammed Khan Junejo split into two factions, one was led by Nawaz Sharif the then chief minister of Punjab and the other by Mr. Junejo.The Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz Sharif group further divided into factions in 2001 and its dissenter formed Pakistan Muslim League that later called Pakistan Muslim League (Quaid-e-Azam)(PML-Q) became allies of then president Pervaiz Musharraf. In 2001, Muslim League (Nawaz Sharif group) formly adopted name of Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) also known as PML (Q). Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz), PML (Q) is now a registered party name with Election Commission of Pakistan. This party is famous for floor crossing etc.During 2002 Pakistani general election, this party could only won 9.4% of the popular vote and 14 out of 272 elected members.In the 2008 election, the party won urban votes and dominated the Punjab Assembly, earning a total of 91 seats in the National Assembly, just below the Pakistan Peoples Party (Q), which won 121 seats; the parties agreed on forming a coalition government.
[30] Lieutenant General Hamid Gul, HI(M), SBt, (Urdū:حميد گل ) (born 20 November 1936) is a retired Pakistani Army three star general known for heading the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), the premier Pakistani intelligence agency, after the Soviet-Afghan War, and for supporting the insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir against India in 1989 with the support of the militants, who fought in the Soviet-Afghan war. Hamid Gul served as the director general of Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence during 1987-89, mainly in the time when Benazir Bhutto was Prime Minister of Pakistan. He was instrumental in the anti-Soviet support of the mujahideen in the Afghanistan War of 1979–89,[1] a pivotal time during the Cold War, and in establishing the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad, a right-wing political party against the Pakistan Peoples Party. He also was a vehement supporter of the Kashmiri insurgency against India,[2] and is accused by the United States of having ties to al-Qaeda and the Taliban.
[31] General Mirza Aslam Beg, SBt, HI(M), NI(M), afwc, psc (Urdu: مرزا اسلم
بيگ ) (born 2 August, 1931), is a retired four star rank general who was the Chief of Army Staff of the Pakistan Army succeeding General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, after the latter died in an air crash on August 17, 1988. He continued to hold the powerful post of Army Chief till 1991, when his political ambitions forced the then President Ghulam Ishaq Khan to nominate General Asif Nawaz as the new Army chief three months prior to Gen Beg’s retirement.[1] As Army chief, Beg is credited for improving warfighting capabilities of the Pakistan Army.
[32] Benazir Bhutto (Sindhi: بينظير ڀٽو ; Urdu: بينظير بھٹو , pronounced [beːnəˈziːr ˈbʱʊʈʈoː]; 21 June 1953 – 27 December 2007) was a Pakistani-born politician, with Pakistani and Kurdish-Iranian origin, who chaired the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), a centre-left and the largest political party in Pakistan. Bhutto was the first woman elected to lead a Muslim state,[1] having twice been Prime Minister of Pakistan (1988–1990; 1993–1996). She was Pakistan’s first and to date only female prime minister and was the eldest child of former Prime minister of Pakistan Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and former First Lady of Pakistan Mrs.Nusrat Bhutto, and was the wife of current President of Pakistan Mr. Asif Ali Zardari.Bhutto was sworn in as Prime Minister for the first time in 1988 at the age of 35, but was removed from office 20 months later under the order of then-President Ghulam Ishaq Khan on grounds of alleged corruption. In 1993 she was re-elected but was again removed in 1996 on similar charges, this time by her party’s elected President Farooq Leghari. She went into self-imposed exile in Dubai in 1998.Bhutto returned to Pakistan on October 18, 2007, after having reached an understanding with President Pervez Musharraf by which she was granted amnesty and all corruption charges were withdrawn. She was assassinated on 27 December 2007, after departing a PPP rally in the Pakistani city of Rawalpindi, two weeks before the scheduled Pakistani general election of 2008 in which she was a leading opposition candidate. The following year, she was named one of seven winners of the United Nations Prize in the Field of Human Rights.
[33] Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (or IJI) or Islamic Democratic Alliance (IDA) was formed in September 1988 to oppose the Pakistan Peoples Party in elections that year. The alliance comprised nine parties, of which the major components were the Pakistan Muslim League, National Peoples Party, Jamaat-e-Islami and Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam with PML accounting for 80% of the IJI’s electoral candidates. Pakistani intelligence agency, ISI under Lt Gen Hamid Gul had a major role in forming the center-of-right political alliance.[1][2] Care had been taken to ensure that the alliance comprised nine parties to generate comparison with the nine-party Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) that had campaigned against Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1977.[3]The head of the party was Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, but its most resourceful leader was Nawaz Sharif, a young industrialist whom Zia ul-Haq had appointed chief minister of Punjab. Sharif was vying for control of the Pakistan Muslim League, which was headed at that time by former Prime Minister Muhammad Khan Junejo.[4]It won only fifty-three seats in the National Assembly, compared with ninety-two won by the PPP. Most IJI seats were won in Punjab. Nawaz Sharif emerged from the 1988 elections as the most powerful politician outside the PPP. In December 1988, he succeeded in forming an IJI administration in Punjab and became the province’s chief minister. It was from this power base that he waged the political battles that eventually led to his becoming prime minister in 1990. In the supercharged atmosphere of the 1990 elections, the electorate surprised observers. Neither the IJI nor the PPP was expected to come up with a firm mandate to rule. Yet the IJI received a strong mandate to govern, winning 105 seats versus forty-five seats for the Pakistan Democratic Alliance (PDA), of which the PPP was the main component in the National Assembly.[5] Opposition groups alleged large scale selective rigging of seats to not just ensure an IJI victory but also prevent those opposed to Military influence from being elected.[6]In the 1993 national elections, the IJI coalition no longer existed to bring together all the anti-PPP forces. The religious parties expended most of their energies trying to form a workable electoral alliance rather than bolstering the
candidacy of Nawaz Sharif, the only person capable of challenging Benazir Bhutto.
[34] Admiral Iftikhar Ahmed Sirohey, NI(M), SBt, (born 1934), is a now-retired and senior 4 star naval officer who was the Chief of Naval Staff (CNS) of Pakistan Navy from 1986 to 1988. He was later invited by the former Prime minister Benazir Bhutto to take over as the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee after the death of General Akhtar Abdur Rahman in the 17 August 1988 air crash.A senior military officer in the Pakistan Defense Forces, Admiral Sirohey was the Supreme Commander of Pakistani Armed Forces, and also served as military advisor to the Prime minister from 1988 to 1991. He was the second 4 star naval officer to stay in this post to date after Admiral Mohammad Shariff. Eight years later, Chief of Naval Staff Admiral Fasih Bokhari sought early retirement as he was denied the Chairmanship of Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, Pakistan by the Prime minister Nawaz Sharif in 1999.
[35] Former Pakistani President Ghulam Ishaq Khan (GIK) is no more. He passed away on Friday Oct. 27, 2006, and was buried the same evening. His legacy will survive in the civil establishment, a state-of-the-art engineering college, and Kahuta Research Laboratories (KRL), the center for development of the Pakistan atomic program. A conservative bureaucrat, Khan was considered the godfather of Pakistan’s controversial atomic program, as he was its first financial manager. He was 91. He had a long association with Pakistan’s top-secret nuclear program. He was coupled with it at very early stage during the mid-1970s during the regime of the late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who was the real founding father of the nuclear weapons system in Pakistan. Actually, GIK was associated with the now officially disgraced Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan and his top secret Kahuta Research Laboratories (KRL) as head of the ministry of finance in 1974. He never compromised on KRL. It was always his top priority during the long stint of his active life.The former chief of Pakistan’s premier intelligence agency, Inter Services Intelligence (ISI), General Hameed Gul disclosed that GIK was the original patron of the nuclear program since the Bhutto period.
Ghulam Ishaq Khan (abbreviated as GIK) (Pashto: غلام اسحاق خان , Urdu: غلام اسحاق خان ; January 20, 1915 – October 27, 2006) was the 7th President of Pakistan from August 17, 1988 until July 18, 1993. A bureaucrat, Khan started his career under the Ayub Khan’s military regime, and was the chairman of Water and Power Development Authority from 1961 till 1966; and Finance Secretary from 1966–1970. Under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s elected government, Khan served as Governor of State Bank of Pakistan from 1971-1975, and Defence Secretary from 1975 till 1977. Khan led Ministry of Finance, under the military government of General Zia, from 5 July 1977 – 21 March 1985. Before becoming President, Khan was the Chairman of the Senate which he was elected in 21 March 1985. Under his presidency, Pakistan’s economy faced a major currency crises, and repeatedly dismissed democratically elected governments of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif on charges of corruption, mismanagement, and nepotism. In 1993, Khan, along with Nawaz Sharif, was forced to resigned from his presidency by the Chief of Army Staff of Pakistan Army General Abdul Waheed Kakar. In 1993, new parliamentary elections were held and Khan was succeeded by Farooq Leghari of Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP).
[36] Muttahida Qaumi Movement (Urdu: متحده قومی موومنٹ , English: United National Movement) generally known as MQM, is the 3rd largest political party [4] and the largest liberal and secular political party of Pakistan.[5] It is generally known as a party which holds immense mobilizing potential in province of Sindh.[6] The student organization, All Pakistan Muhajir Student Organization (APMSO), was founded in 1978 by Altaf Hussain which subsequently gave birth to the Muhajir Quami Movement in 1984.[7] The organization maintains liberal, progressive and secular stances on many political and social issues.[8]From 1992 to 1999, the MQM was the alleged target of the Pakistan Army’s Operation Cleanup leaving thousands of urdu speaking civilians dead.[9][10]In 1997, the MQM officially removed the term Muhajir (which denotes the party’s roots of Urdu-speaking Muslims) from its
name, and replaced it with Muttahida (“United”). The MQM is one of few socially liberal political parties in Pakistan and organized the largest rallies in Pakistan in protest of the actions of al-Qaeda on September 11, 2001 demonstrating sympathy with the victims of the terrorist attacks.Mutahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) is the second largest party in Sindh and the traditionally the third largest in the country, however it currently holds fourth highest number of seats in the National Assembly while maintaining its second position in the Sindh Assembly
[37] Mehran bank scandal also known as Mehrangate was a major political scandal in Pakistan between 1990-1994 in which senior politicians and political parties were found to have been bribed by military and intelligence officers to prevent the re-election and to destabilise the government of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP).Initiated by Chief of Army Staff Mirza Aslam Beg with the alleged support of President Ghulam Ishaq Khan payments of up to 140 million Rupees were done by the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) Chief Asad Durrani and Javed Nasir via the owner of Mehran Bank Yunus Habib. Intelligence funds were deposited in Mehran bank in 1992 propping up what was an insolvent bank as a favour for its owners help in loaning money to the Inter-Services Intelligence in 1990 that was used in the creation of the right wing alliance Islami Jamhoori-Ittehad and bankrolling the campaigns of many opponents of the PPP.The scandal subsequently broke after the new ISI Chief Lt. Gen Javed Ashraf Qazi decided to transfer the intelligence fund back to state owned banks as per official rules. Mehran Bank was unable to return the money due to its poor financial state and collapsed. It was later discovered that large sums had been siphoned of to 39 fictitious parties.In 1995, Mehran Bank was amalgamated with the National Bank of Pakistan and in 1996 the NBP had to make full provision for Mehran’s liabilities which resulted in a net loss that year to the bank of Rs 1.260 billion. .[1]On April 20, 1994, giving details about the payments made by Mr Habib to generals, politicians and political parties, the then Interior Minister, Naseerullah Babar, told the National Assembly that the main beneficiary of his largesse was former army chief General Mirza Aslam Beg who received Rs140 million.[2]Key politicians named as recipients of ISI funds included Jam Sadiq Ali (Rs70 million from Habib Bank and Rs150 million from Mehran Bank), Altaf Hussein (Rs.20 million); Yousuf Memon for Ijaz-ul Haq and Javed Hashmi (Rs.50 million); Nawaz Sharif (Rs6 million); former Sindh chief minister Muzaffar Hussain Shah through his secretary (Rs13 million), MQM Haqiqi (Rs5 million), former Sports Minister Ajmal Khan (Rs1.4 million), Jam Mashooq Ali (Rs3.5 million), Liaqat Jatoi (Rs1 million), Dost Mohammad Faizi (Rs1 million), and Jam Haider (Rs 2 million).Yunus Habib was arrested on April 7, 1994 for misappropriation in the sale proceeds of the Dollar Bearer Certificates. On Dec 14, 1995, Younus Habib was convicted of fraud and embezzlement and given a sentence of 10 years rigorous imprisonment by the Special Court for Offences in Banks in Sindh.
[38] Operation Midnight Jackal was a political scandal in Pakistan in which members of the ISI (a military intelligence agency) were exposed in a sting operation as wanting to overthrow the government of Benazir Bhutto. Former ISI operative Brigadier Imtiaz Ahmed Billa is regarded as the mastermind of the plot[1]. The operation was exposed when Intelligence Bureau IB taped a conversation between two army officers of ISI regarding toppeling down the government of Benazir Bhutto. In the conversation one Officer Major Aamir (retired from Military after exposition of operation) revealed that General Mirza Aslam Baig ( COAS Pakistan Army) of that time wanted to end government due to some issues.
[39] Makhdoom Muhammad Javed Hashmi (Urdu: مخدوم محمد جاوید ہاشمی ) (born January 1, 1948 in Makhdoom Rashid, Multan) is a Pakistani political scientist, geostrategist, statesman, and the central public figure of the PML(N) led by former Prime minister of Pakistan Nawaz Sharif.After the overthrow of the PML-N government in 1999 in a coup d’état staged and led by then Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee and Chief of Army Staff of Pakistan Army General Pervez Musharraf, Hashmi was thrown in Central Jail Rawalpindi, along with Nawaz Sharif and other members of his party on false accusations made by General Pervez Musharraf. A democracy activist, Hashmi became one of the most vocal and open critic of the General Pervez Musharraf’s military regime where he openly criticized General Musharraf’s treatment of dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan, policy on War on Terror and Musharraf’s mishandling of Tribal areas which led to open the unannounced war in West-Pakistan.In the 2008 general and parliamentary elections, Javed Hashmi won a record three seats out of the four contested; he only lost out to Shah Mehmood Qureshi in his home city of Multan. Hashmi won National Assembly seats from Multan, Lahore and Rawalpindi beating PML-Q leader Shaikh Rasheed Ahmad in the latter one.[1] On 20 July 2010 Javed Hashmi suffered from Brain hemorrhage and was admitted to hospital. After recovering, he was shifted to Islamabad and went to Parliament, where he is currently serving as a Chairman of the Standing Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Affairs and the member of the Standing
Parliamentary Committee on Labour, Manpower and Overseas Pakistanis.
[40] The Constitution (Eighth Amendment) Act, 1985 was an amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan passed in 1985. It changed Pakistan’s government from a Parliamentary system to a Semi-presidential system by giving the President a number of additional powers. These powers included the right, expressed in sub-section 2(b) inserted into Article 58, to dissolve the National Assembly (but not the Senate) if, in his or her opinion, “a situation has arisen in which the Government of the Federation cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution and an appeal to the electorate is necessary.” (Constitution of Pakistan, Article 58) with the consequence of dismissing the Prime Minister and his or her Cabinet.
[41] Asif Ali Zardari (Urdu: آصف علی زرداری ; Sindhi: آصف علي زرداري ; born 26 July 1955[5]) is the 11th and current President of Pakistan and the Co-Chairman of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP). Zardari is the widower of Benazir Bhutto, who twice served as Prime Minister of Pakistan. When his wife was assassinated in December 2007, he became the leader of the PPP. He successfully led the PPP through general elections in 2008 and led a coalition that forced Pervez Musharraf’s resignation.[1]His political career has been mired by corruption allegations, for which he was in prison from 1990–1993 and 1996-2004.[1][6][7] He became widely known as “Mr. 10 Percent” during the premiership of Benazir Bhutto because of his alleged role in obtaining kickbacks as an intermediary in government deals.[1][7][8][9] As President, his attempt to prevent the reinstatement of judges failed after massive protests led by Nawaz Sharif, his chief political rival.[10][11] He suffered further political embarrassment for flirting with Sarah Palin[12][13][14] and for going to Europe a few days after the 2010 Pakistan floods.
[42] Sardar Farooq Ahmad Khan Leghari (Punjabi, Urdu: سردار فاروق احمد خان
لغاری ) (May 29, 1940 – October 20, 2010) was the eighth President of Pakistan from November 14, 1993 until December 2, 1997. He was the first Balouch President of Pakistan.
[43] Mahbub ul Haq (Urdu: محبوب الحق ) (February 22, 1934 – July 16, 1998), was an influential and world renowned Pakistani economist. He is the pioneer of Human development theory and founder of the Human Development Report. His works also opened new avenues to policy proposals for human development paradigms, such as the 20:20 Global Compact and the setting up of the UN Economic Security Council that became the inspirations for the establishment of United Nations Economic and Social Council
[44] Abdul Rashid Dostum (‘Abd al-Raszhid Dostum or Dostam) (born 1954) is a former pro-Soviet fighter during the Soviet war in Afghanistan and is considered by many to be the leader of Afghanistan’s Uzbek community and the party Junbish-e Milli-yi Islami-yi Afghanistan. He joined the Afghan military in 1978, fighting with the Soviets and against the mujahideen throughout the 1980s before joining the mujahideen in 1992, after the Soviet withdrawal, to assist in the capture of Kabul. He is a general and the Chief of Staff to the Commander in Chief of the Afghan National Army a role often viewed as ceremonial.[1] In early 2008 he was removed from his army role because of the Akbar Bai kidnapping incident. Dostum spent a year living in Turkey.[2] In June 2009, shortly before the presidential elections, Afghan President Hamid Karzai reappointed Dostum to his post.[2][3]Human rights groups have accused his troops of human rights violations, charges which Dostum denies
[45] Ustad Abdul Rab Rasul Sayyaf[3] (Arabic: عبد رب الرسول سياف , b. 1946, Paghman Valley, Afghanistan) is an Afghan Islamist politician. He took part in the war against the PDPA government in the 1980s, leading the Mujahedin faction Islamic Union for the Liberation of Afghanistan. During the war, he received patronage from Arab sources and mobilized Arab volunteers for
the Mujahedin forces. Sayyaf is said to have been the one who first invited Osama bin Laden to Afghanistan, after bin Laden’s 1996 expulsion from Sudan by the otherwise sympathetic Sudanese régime under Saudi, Egyptian, and American pressure.[4]In 2005, Sayyaf’s Ittehad-al-Islami (or Islamic Union) was converted into the political party, the Islamic Dawah Organisation of Afghanistan. He has been considered a member of the Northern Alliance,[5] despite his close relationship with militant groups such as Al-Qaeda that opposed it. He has also been accused of having knowingly assisted the two assassins that killed Northern Alliance leader Ahmad Shah Massoud in a suicide bomb blast two days before September 11, 2001
[46] Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) is a Deobandi militant organization, and a formerly registered Pakistani political party, established in the early 1980s in Jhang by Maulana Haq Nawaz Jhangvi primarily to deter major Shia influence in Pakistan in the wake of the Iranian Revolution.[1][2] Formerly known as Anjuman-e-Sipah-e-Sahaba and the Army of the Friends of Sahaba, the organization was banned by President Pervez Musharraf in 2002 as a terrorist organization under the Anti-Terrorism Act of 1997.
[47] The Jamaat-e-Islami [1] (Urdu: جماعتِ اسلامی , Jamaat-i-Islami, “Islamic Party” Jamaat, JI) is a Muslim political party in Pakistan. It was founded on 26 August 1941 in Lahore by Muslim theologian Maulana Sayyid Abul Ala Maududi[2] and is the oldest religious party in Pakistan.[2]Founded during British rule in India, the Jamaat moved its organisation after the partition of India to the newly-created Muslim state of Pakistan. The members who remained in India regrouped to form an independent organization called Jamaat-e-Islami Hind. The Jamaat opposed the independence of Bangladesh, but established itself there as an independent political party, the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh after 1975. The Jamaat maintains close ties with international Muslim groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood. Within Pakistan, the Jamaat lead the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal alliance of religious parties.[2]. This alliance was broke before February 2008 General Elections when Jamat-e-Islami boycott the elections while some parties of the alliance insisted to go in elections. A vanguard party, its members (or arkan) form an elite with “affiliates” (mutaffiq) and then “sympathisers” (hamdard) beneath them.[2]The Jamaat’s objectives are the “Iqamat-e-Deen” or “Nizam-e-Mustafa” – the establishment of a pure Islamic state, governed by Sharia law. The Jamaat opposes Westernization, ideologies such as capitalism, socialism and secularism, and practices such as bank interest and liberalist social mores.
[48] Lieutenant General Javed Nasir, HI(M), SBt, is a 3 star general of the Pakistan Army who was the former head of Inter-Services Intelligence from March 1992 till May 1993. A now-retired engineer officer of the Pakistan Army Corps of Engineers, General Nasir was instrumental in uniting the warring Afghan factions after the Soviet retreat, and installing the first Mujahideen government in Afghanistan. After his active role in Soviet war in Afghanistan, he was actively involved in Bosnian War of 1995 in which he support and provided arms to Bosnian resistance. His efforts were involved in Bosnian immigrants to moved to Pakistan. He was noted for being the first Pakistani general to have a full-grown beard against tradition of having only clean-shaved generals in the Pakistan Army after joining the Tablighi Jamaat
[49] The Haqiqi Mohajir Quami Movement (MQM-H) is a splinter outfit of the erstwhile Mohajir Quami Movement (MQM), which is now known as the Muttahida Quami Mahaz (MQM-A) of Altaf Hussain. Disagreements between Altaf Hussain and the then MQM’s two prominent militant leaders, Afaq Ahmed and Aamir Khan had first surfaced towards the end of 1991. The formal split and formation of the MQM (H) came about in June 1992 after Operation Cleanup launched by Pakistani security forces in Karachi. The dissidents attached Haqiqi meaning real or authentic in Urdu as a suffix to the MQM acronym as an assertion of the outfit’s legitimacy. Many former MQM members who were expelled from the Altaf faction due to alleged criminal links joined the Haqiqi faction. Ever since the formation of the MQM (H), Karachi and other urban regions of Sindh have been rocked by internecine clashes within the majority Mohajir community. There were several incidents of targeted killings whereby terrorists of one faction would attack members or sympathisers of the other. These had peaked in 1997 and several bystanders too were killed in these attacks. In June, the headquarters of the MQM (H) was attacked by suspected MQM (A) terrorists which sparked off a series of attacks by each faction targeted at the other and over sixty people were killed in the month. Prior to this, the violent clashes in these areas were between Mohajir militants and extremists of other ethnic communities such as the Sindhis, Pathans and Punjabis. The MQM (A) has consistently accused Pakistani security forces and intelligence agencies of creating and fostering the MQM (H) in order to weaken the Mohajir movement. Several Pakistani analysts have endorsed this accusation. The level of violence in Karachi and other urban regions of Sindh have declined. Several
strong-arm measures taken by the Pakistan government, including repeated crackdowns initiated by police and army units since 1992 has considerably weakened both factions of the MQM. In 1998, several crackdowns were initiated and scores of activists of both factions were either arrested or killed in encounters. Since then, there have been only isolated reports of clashes between the two factions such as the February 2000 killing of an MQM (A) activist and the killing of an MQM (H) activist in December 2001. Either faction has claimed several victims of criminal violence, and the other faction would be blamed. Police sources largely reject these claims. On the ideological front, the MQM (H) claims that continuing socio-economic and political injustices have alienated the Mohajirs and compelled them to seek a separate province within the geographical boundary of Pakistan. The outfit also asserts that if the rights of the Mohajirs are not accepted, demands for a separate province would get accentuated. The MQM (H) also asserts that any decision regarding the division of Sindh would have to be taken by the Federal government in consultation with the provincial leadership. It has also pointed out that demanding a separate province within the limits of Pakistan should not be construed as being against the integrity of the country. The MQM (A), however, accuses the Haqiqi faction of involvement in extortion in Karachi and that the latter merely ‘serves the interests’ of the Pakistani government. The Rangers, a security force of the Federal government is often accused by the MQM (A) of having close links with the MQM (H). According to the MQM (A) chief, Altaf Hussain the MQM (H) is bereft of any agenda of its own. The MQM (H) has survived without the sort of political mandate enjoyed by the Altaf Hussain group and controls certain neighbourhoods in Karachi by force. In 1997-98, the MQM (A), which as a coalition partner of then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharief’s, Pakistan Muslim League, had repeatedly accused the MQM (H) of creating ‘no-go areas’ in Karachi, localities where MQM (H) activists were preventing MQM (A) activists from entering. But MQM (H) leader Afaq Ahmed while denying the existence of “no-go areas” maintains that it is a “baseless term”. According to the Haqiqi faction, these are the areas where the MQM-A and his cadres have unleashed a reign of terror. News reports also mention that Malir, Landhi, Shah Faisal Colony and Korangi areas which were the strong holds of MQM (A) till a short while ago are now under the control of the Haqiqi faction. According to recent news reports, the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) is backing the Haqiqi faction. These sources indicate that sectarian killings leading up to the Masjid-e-Hur massacre in Karachi, on October 10, 1999 in which nine persons were killed, had targeted non-Mohajirs, and even in this incident, the victims were primarily Punjabis who comprise the majority of the residents in that area. At the other end, the MQM (A) is reported to be aligned with the Shia sectarian parties, a factor corroborated by the fact that there has largely been no sectarian strife in the areas of Karachi under the MQM (A) influence, which includes the portion of district Central where the large Shia community of Rizvia Colony is located. * The Mohajir community comprises of refugees who moved to the newly created Pakistan after the August 1947 partition of the Indian subcontinent. Most of these refugees were natives of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, which became part of the Indian republic after the Partition.
[50] The Tehrik-e-Jafaria Pakistan (TJP) (Urdu: تحريکِ جعفريہ ) also called Tehrik-e-Islami is a Shia political party in Pakistan. It was formed in 1979 with the name Tehrik-e-Nafaz-e-Fiqah-e-Jafaria (تحريکِ نفاذِ فقہ جعفريہ )Template:Meaning? as result of enforcement of controversial Islamic laws and politicization and discrimination against shias in Pakistan Army and Civil Service. Since then TJP has been led by Sajid Ali Naqvi. It is one of two groups that split off[why?] from Shi’ite leader Allama Mufti Jaffar Hussain’s TNFJ with the second group being Tehrik-e-Nifaz-e-Fiqh-e-Jafaria (TNFJ) headed by Hamid Ali Moosavi, which continues to function under the old name of TNFJ. TJP founder Arif Hussain Hussaini was assassinated in 1988 by unknown attackers.The main objective of this party, banned two times by President Pervez Musharraf’s government, is to protect Shias rights and give them a voice in Parliament, they do not advocate a Shia state and have cordial relations with Sunni which is why they joined coalition of Islamist political parties Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal that won 53 out of 272 elected members in legislative elections held on 20 October 2002.
[51] JAVED Langra will be on top of the list of terrorists and criminals of Pakistani origin, currently residing in India under official patronage, which Islamabad will soon hand over to New Delhi. Langra and other MQM terrorists hiding in India are facing several charges in Karachi courts of committing terrorist acts in the city, including mass murders, in the first half of the 1990s.
[52] Jam Sadiq Ali (Urdu: جام صادق علی ) was a politician from Sindh, Pakistan.Jam Sadiq Ali belonged to the ruling dynasty of Samaa Ja’ams who ruled Sindh over two quarter centuries up to middle of 1700. Jam Sadiq Ali had ten children, one of whom died in September 2003. Jam Mashooq Ali, son of late Jam Sadiq Ali is a Sardar of the Sammo Jam tribe.Jam Sadiq Ali was Chief Minister of Sindh from August 6, 1990 to
March 5, 1992. During Benazir Bhutto 20-month Government, Mr. Sadiq Ali served as an adviser but eventually resigned because of differences. After Benazir Bhutto was forced to step down in August 1990 because of corruption charges, he was named Chief Minister of Sindh.Jam Sadiq Ali died on March 5, 1992 and was buried at his ancestral graveyard in Goth Jam Nawaz Ali.
[53] Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi (14 August 1931 – 20 November 2009) was a Pakistani politician, and was the Acting Prime Minister of Pakistan for 3 months, from August 6, 1990 to November 6, 1990. Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi’s ancestors were mureeds of the Pir’s of Sarhandi.
[54] Rana Chandra Singh (1931–2009), also known as “Rana Chander Singh”, was a Pakistani politician, a federal minister and the chieftain of the Pakistani Hindu Sodha Thakur Rajput clan and the Amarkot (present day Umerkot) jagir. He was one of the founder members of Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and was elected to the National Assembly of Pakistan from Umerkot, seven times with PPP between 1977 to 1999, when he founded the Pakistan Hindu Party (PHP).
[55] Mar 4 2011 Federal Minister and Pir of Ranipur Syed Abdul Qadir Shah Jilani was laid to rest in his native graveyard in Ranipur on Thursday in the presence of his relatives and thousands of followers. He was 84… A significant spiritual leader, Pir Syed Abdul Qadir Shah Jilani was the Pir of Ranipur. He was elected five times as member of the National Assembly, four times on the ticket of the PPP and once from the Pakistan Muslim League. He remained chairman of the Land Grant Commission and held the post of federal minister twice. He joined politics in 1968 when late Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto formed the Pakistan People`s Party. The Pir of Ranipur was the first political figure of Khairpur district joining the party. According to family sources, grandfather of Pir Syed Abdul Qadir Shah Jilani was Pir Syed Hashim Raza Shah Jilani who had migrated from Baghdad about 185 years ago with his grandfather when he was only two. They chose Ranipur for preaching of Islam. Syed Abdul Qadir Shah Jilani left behind four widows and more than 60 family members, including sons and daughters, grandsons and granddaughters and large number of nephews.
[56] Justice (retd.) Muhammad Rafiq Tarar (Urdu: محمد رفيق تارڑ ) (born November 2, 1929) was the ninth President of Pakistan from January 1, 1998 until June 20, 2001 and before that Supreme Court of Pakistan judge and Chief Justice of Lahore High Court. During Pakistan’s independence in 1947, Rafiq Tarar performed voluntary duty as a relief worker in camps set up by Muslim Students Federation for refugees, migrating from India to Pakistan… He was brought out of his retirement by Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif and afterwards he was elected as member of the Senate in 1997 on the PML(N) Party ticket. Later in the same year he was elected as the President of Pakistan on December 31, 1997 with record number of votes.During his presidency, Tarar was mostly a figurehead ruler. The Presidency of Pakistan’s powers had been slowly removed over the years, culminating in 1997 Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan which removed virtually all remaining reserve powers, making the office almost entirely symbolic in nature as per the true spirit of the Pakistani constitution. Tarar was not removed from office when Pervez Musharraf seized control of the Pakistani government in 1999. While Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was deposed, Tarar chose to remain in office until 2001, at which point Musharraf assumed the presidency in order to restructure Pakistan’s model of government.
[57] Intelligence Bureau (IB) is Pakistan’s main domestic/internal intelligence and espionage agency. It functions under direct control of Chief Executive of Pakistan – either Prime Minister or the President. The IB’s tasks include counter-intelligence and internal Security matters.
[58] The Pakistan Rangers are part of the paramilitary force command, and consists of members of the Pakistan Army under the direct control of the Ministry of the Interior of the Pakistan Government. The prime objectives of Rangers is to provide and maintain security in hot conflict and war zone areas. In 1995, the Pakistan Rangers divided into two parts; Pakistan Rangers Punjab headquartered in Lahore, Punjab, and Pakistan Rangers Sindh (formerly the Mehran Force) headquartered in Karachi, Sindh. The two divisions have different uniforms and chains of command but work under same ordinance such as The
Pakistan Rangers Ordinance 1959. Each evening the Pakistan Rangers together with their counterparts in the Indian Border Security Force participates in a flag lowering ceremony at Wagah.
[59] Masood Sharif Khan Khattak or Major (R) Masood Sharif Khan (born June 5, 1950 in the city of Karak- Karak, Pakistan) is an civilian intelligence officer and the first and former Director General of the Intelligence Bureau (I.B). He has served as the Vice President of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and the Pakistan Peoples Party Parliamentarians(PPPP) under the leadership of the former Prime Minister of Pakistan Benazir Bhutto.[1] He played a key role in a successful crackdown against the terrorists and their separatist movement in the mid 90s. He also lead a famous intelligence operation named Midnight Jackals,[2] which thwarted a military coupe attempt of the elected PPP government in 1990. He was imprisoned in 1996 by the government of Farooq Leghari where he was charged with launching widespread wiretapping against government officials. Released in 2000 he unsuccessfully contested as a Pakistan Peoples Party candidate the 2002 general elections from Karak. He resigned from the PPP in 2007 in protest against increasing violence in the North-West Frontier Province.
[60] Muhammad Shoaib Suddle was DIG Karachi and later Director General Intelligence Bureau who is famous to have carried out the dreaded operation against MQM activists in the mid 1990s, along with Tariq Lodhi under Gen. Naseerullah Baber. He is considered very close to Asif Ali Zardari.
[61] Federal Security Force was a paramilitary force created by Pakistani President Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Established in 1972, it was alleged to be responsible for wide spread human rights abuses, ranging from kidnapping to torture and murder of political opponents of the Government.[1] The FSF was disbanded by General Zia-ul Haq after he, in 1977, overthrew the Bhutto government in a military coup.
[62] The Frontier Constabulary, FC, is a military police branch of Pakistan Armed Forces, responsible to maintain law and order situation in the country. The Frontier Constabulary is a Federal Paramilitary Force of Pakistan which is largely drawn from the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province, but operates in all the provinces of Pakistan. Frontier Constabulary was formed after the merger of Samana Rifles and Border Military Police in British India. The senior officer ranks in the Frontier Constabulary are the Commandant, the equivalent of Additional Inspector General of Police and popularly and officially referred to as the CFC, who heads the force, Deputy Commandant, the equivalent of Deputy Inspector General of Police, a District Officer, the equivalent of Senior Superintendent of Police and an Assistant District Officer, the equivalent of Assistant Superintendent of Police. The senior hierarchy of FC is drawn from the Police Service of Pakistan.
[63] The Frontier Corps (FC) (Urdu: فرنٹيئرکور ) is a federally-controlled paramilitary force of Pakistan, recruited mostly from the tribal areas along the western borders and led by officers from the Pakistan Army. The Frontier Corps comprises three major subdivisions; FC NWFP (stationed in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province (fromerly known as North-West Frontier Province) and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas) and FC Balochistan (stationed in Balochistan province). Each subdivision is headed by a seconded Inspector General, who is a Pakistan Army officer of at least major-general rank, although the force itself is under the jurisdiction of the Interior Ministry.[1]With a total manpower of approximately 70,000[2] the task of the Frontier Corps is to help local law enforcement in the maintenance of law and order, and to carry out border patrol and anti-smuggling operations.[3] Recently units of the Frontier Corps have been used in military operations against insurgents in Balochistan and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas.The Frontier Corps should not be confused with the Frontier Constabulary or the Frontier Force Regiment. The Frontier Constabulary is a federal paramilitary police force, mostly recruited from and operating in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, but also operating in Punjab province. Since July 2002, the constabulary and the FC NWFP are being gradually merged. The Frontier Force Regiment is an
infantry regiment of the Pakistan Army formed in 1956 from the amalgamation of three older regiments: the 12th Frontier Force Regiment, the 13th Frontier Force Rifles and the Pathan Regiment.
[64] Mir Ghulam Murtaza Bhutto (18 September 1954 – 20 September 1996) (Sindhi: مير مرتضی ڀٽو , Urdu: مير مرتضی بھٹو ) was a Pakistani politician and the Member of the Parliament of Pakistan, representing Pakistan People’s Party from the Larkana constituency. Bhutto was an elder son of the former President and former Prime minister of Pakistan Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and the younger brother of Benazir Bhutto—who also served twice as Prime minister. A strategist by academia, Bhutto was killed in a controversial police encounter in 1996 during the premiership of Benazir Bhutto.
[65] Syed Sajjad Ali Shah was the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Pakistan.. When Dr. Nasim Hasan Shah retired as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court in 1994, Justice Saad Saud Jan should have taken his place based on seniority. But Ms Benazir Bhutto threw tradition overboard, when she by-passed two senior judges and appointed Sajjad Ali Shah as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Later, she was dismissed by President Farooq Leghari on charges of corruption and Sajjad Ali Shah along with 6 other members of the Supreme Court upheld this decision. Reading from a 12-page short order, Chief Justice Sajjad Ali Shah said
The presidential order contained enough substance and adequate material had been provided to conclude that the government could not be run in accordance with the provisions of the constitution and that an appeal to the electorate had become necessary.
[66] Iqbal Haider (born 14 January 1945)is a Senior Advocate Supreme Court and the Co-Chairperson of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (“HRCP”).[1] He is also a former Senator, former Federal Minister for Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs from November 1993 to December 1994[2] and Former Attorney General of Pakistan.
[67] Jehangir Karamat, NI(M), TBt, afwc, psc, fsc(u), (Urdu: جہانگير کرامت ) (born 20 February 1941) is a retired 4 star general and a former Chief of Army Staff of the Pakistan Army from January 1996 to October 1998 and a former Pakistan Ambassador to the United States from November 2004 to June 2006. He is also one of very few Army chiefs to have resigned over a disagreement with the civilian authorities.
[68] Aftab Ahmad Khan Sherpao (Pashto: أحمد أفتاب خان شرباو ) (Urdu: آفتاب احمد
خان شير پائو ) (born August 20, 1944) is the head of Pakistan Peoples Party (Sherpao) and was the 35th Federal Interior Minister of Pakistan. Prior to this assignment he was working as the Federal Minister for Water and Power (WAPDA), Minister for Kashmir Affairs and Northern Areas and States & Frontier Regions (KANA & SAFRON) and Minister for Interprovincial Coordination. Sherpao has also served as the 14th and 18th Chief Minister of the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan.
[69] Malik Meraj Khalid (September 20, 1916) was a Pakistani lawyer and politician and the acting Prime Minister of Pakistan from November 5, 1996 till February 17, 1997.
[70] Aftab Ahmad Khan Sherpao (Pashto: أحمد أفتاب خان شرباو ) (Urdu: آفتاب احمد
خان شير پائو ) (born August 20, 1944) is the head of Pakistan Peoples Party
(Sherpao) and was the 35th Federal Interior Minister of Pakistan. Prior to this assignment he was working as the Federal Minister for Water and Power (WAPDA), Minister for Kashmir Affairs and Northern Areas and States & Frontier Regions (KANA & SAFRON) and Minister for Interprovincial Coordination. Sherpao has also served as the 14th and 18th Chief Minister of the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan.
[71] Ulama (Arabic: علماء ʿUlamāʾ , singular: عالِم ʿĀlim, “scholar”), also spelt ulema, refers to the educated class of Muslim legal scholars engaged in the several fields of Islamic studies. They are best known as the arbiters of shari’a law. While the ulama are well versed in legal fiqh (jurisprudence) being Islamic lawyers, some of them also go on to specialize in other fields, such as hadith or tafseer. In a broader sense, the term ulama is used to describe the body of Muslim clergy who have completed several years of training and study of Islamic sciences, such as a mufti, qadi, faqih, or muhaddith. Some Muslims include under this term the village mullahs and imams, who have attained only the lowest rungs on the ladder of Islamic scholarship; other Muslims would say that clerics must meet higher standards to be considered ulama. This is why it is claimed that in Western society there are for the most of the time no ulama present, with the outcome of Muslims in the West searching for qualified knowledge from Islamic countries, to attain some accepted qualification. The Internet gives some streams of ulama speaking on a video record, which is very rare
[72] Malik Mohammad Qayyum (born December 18, 1944), Senior Advocate Supreme Court, is the former Attorney General of Pakistan, who was replaced with Senator Latif Khosa when President Pervez Musharraf resigned on 18 August 2008.[1][2] He became Attorney General following the resignation of Makhdoom Ali Khan.[3] He is a former Judge of the Lahore High Court which he resigned from after a phone transcript of his was released in which he colluded with then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s government to fix judgement in a case before him involving Benazir Bhutto. Mr Qayyum denied that the voice in the telephone conversation was his. The Lahore High Court was recently moved challenging his appointment as Attorney General [1] along with another petition alleging fraud by his private office in execution of sales deeds. The latter case is up for hearing on February 4, 2008.[2]Malik Qayyum was also recorded as saying that the Pakistani general election, 2008 are going to be rigged [3]. Qayyum March 10, 2008 rejected a plan by opposition lawmakers to reinstate the country’s ousted Supreme Court justices within 30 days of parliament’s first session, because President Pervez Musharraf’s dismissal of the judges was legal under the constitution.[4]Malik Qayyum is the son of Justice (retired) Muhammad Akram one of the four Punjabi judges who under the influence of General Zia-ul-Haq’s military government sentenced Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto to death. [5] This fact was also noted by Benazir Bhutto in her book “Reconciliation.”
[73] Rashid Aziz Khan former Chief Justice of Lahore High Court November 4, 1997 – February 4, 2000
[74] The village accountant (variously known as patwari, talatti, karnam, adhikari, etc.) is an administrative government position found in rural parts of the Indian sub-continent. The office and the officeholder are called the patwari in Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Bengal, North India and Pakistan. The position is known as the karnam or adhikari in Tamil Nadu, while it is commonly known as the talati in Gujarat and Maharashtra. The position was known as the kulkarni in Maharashtra, but the office of the kulkarni was abolished in 1918 and replaced with that of the talati.
[75] A tehsildar (Urdu: تحصيلدار , Hindi: तहसीलदार) is a revenue administrative officer in Pakistan and India in charge of obtaining taxation from a tehsil. The term is of imperial Mughal origin made of “tahsil”, an Islamic administrative
derived from Arabic, meaning “revenue generating; collection” and “dar”, Persian for “holder of a position”, together meaning tax collector. The role of tehsildar continued during the period of British Rule and was subsequently used by Pakistan and India following their independence from the British. The deputy of a tehsildar is known as a naib tehsildar.
[76] Qadianism/Mirzaiyyat/Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam has become quite a controversial issue. Muslims everywhere have strated campaigning against them. Pretending to be the Champions of islam and the only true Muslims, they are leading ignorant Muslims out of its fold. Is it a Movement of Reform within Islam as it claims to be? OR is it a Pious Fraud in the name of Islam? In 1988 Mirza Tahir Ahmad Qadiani, Head of the Ahmadiyya Movement and Grandson of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, issued a challenge of Mubahila, in which he labeled the entire Muslim Ummah as Disbelievers and Liars. Syed Abdul Hafeez took up the challenge and set up Anti Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam. it is an awareness campaign to educate Muslims and non-Muslims about the true nature of this creed and bring to the light the true personality of its founder and his heretical beliefs, as depicted in his writings. It is an honour for me to assist Shaikh Abdul Hafeez in his efforts.
[77] One-Unit was the title of a scheme launched by the federal government of Pakistan to merge the four provinces of West Pakistan into one homogenous unit, as a counterbalance against the numerical domination of the ethnic Bengalis of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). The One Unit policy was announced by Prime Minister Muhammad Ali Bogra on 22 November 1954. . West Pakistan was the popular and sometimes official (1955–1970) name of the western wing of Pakistan until 1971 when the eastern wing became independent as Bangladesh. The politically dominant western wing was composed of three Governor’s provinces (North-West Frontier, West Punjab and Sind), one Chief Commissioner’s province (Baluchistan), the Baluchistan States Union, several other princely states (notably Bahawalpur, Chitral, Dir, Hunza, Khairpur and Swat), the Federal Capital Territory (around Karachi) and the tribal areas. The eastern wing formed the single province of East Bengal (including the former Assam district of Sylhet), which despite having over half of the population had a disproportionately small number of seats in the Constituent Assembly. This inequality of the two wings and the geographical distance between them was believed to be holding up the adoption of a new constitution. To diminish the differences between the two regions, the government decided to reorganise the country as two distinct provinces under the One Unit policy announced by Prime Minister Chaudhry Muhammad Ali on 22 November 1954.
[78] 22 families They are Pakistan’s super-rich, popularly known as the 22 families and their names, the Saigols, Dawoods, Habibs, Adamjees, Bawany, Hashwani, Sharifs of Ittefaq and Sheikhs of the Colony group are synonymous with enormous wealth and unbounded pelf. There are two sets of the 22 families, the original 22 and the 22 families of the present era including unknown or little known Sargodha and United groups, the Chakwal group, Gulistan-Saphire, Rupali and Fazalsons. On Dec 1, 1995, the top 43 groups owned 212 of the 522 non-financial companies listed at Karachi Stock Exchange (KSE) accounting for 43% of the total manufacturing assets, exclusive of the multinationals and the public sector enterprises. Out of 175 listed banking companies, modarabas, leasing and financial companies, 76 belonged these groups. Their power was clustered in textile, sugar, cement, insurance, banks and modarabas while almost all the newly listed captive power plants belonged to these groups. Together they owned at least 122 textile mills, 19 sugar mills, eight cement plants, 12 insurance companies, 11 banks, 16 modorabas, eight leasing companies and seven power plants. Like sheep these families have followed each other, one poineering an industry and the other smelling profits coming on its heels. Last such fad was modaraba and the latest example of sheep-flocking has taken place in the power generation in which Mian Mansha was first to move and now almost every big group has its own captive power plant or has one on the anvil. These groups own assets worth Rs 408 billion on KSE but what they own on the stock exchange is only a tip of the iceberg because in addition to the listed companies they own at least 370 unlisted public and private limited companies whose assets and turnover is not known accurately even to the Corporate Law Authority. A fair estimate of these assets would be Rs 500-600 billion for the following reasons.
[79] Pakistan: Six-point Murree Declaration – Text of the summit declaration
MURREE: Following is the text of the six-point summit declaration regarding the formation of the government finalized between the Pakistan People’s Party and the Pakistan Muslim League (N) at Murree on Sunday.
PML (N) leader Mian Nawaz Sahrif and co-chairman PPP Asif Ali Zardari signed this declaration in Bhurban on Sunday.
1-Allied parties, the Pakistan People’s Party and the Pakistan Muslim League (N) resolve to form a coalition government for giving a practical shape to the mandate, which was given to the democratic forces by the people of Pakistan on February 18, 2008.
2-This has been decided in today’s summit between the PPP and the PML (N) that the deposed judges would be restored, on the position as they were on November 2, 2007, within 30 days of the formation of the federal government through a parliamentary resolution.
3-The parties agreed that all allied parties would fully support the candidate for the position of the prime minister, nominated by the PPP. The PML (N) suggested that the candidate for prime minister should be such person who can take ahead the common agenda of the allied parties.
4-The parties agreed that the speaker and the deputy speaker of the national assembly would be from the PPP while the speaker and the deputy speaker of the Punjab assembly would be from the PML (N).
5-Both the parties agreed that the PML (N) would be a part of the federal government while the PPP would be a part of the Punjab government.
6-This is the solid opinion of the leaderships of both the parties that the allied parties are ready for forming the governments and the sessions of the national and provincial assemblies be summoned immediately.
[80] General Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan Qizilbash, H.Pk, HJ, S.Pk, psc (Urdu: آغا محمد يحيی خان ; February 4, 1917 – August 10, 1980) was the third President of Pakistan from 1969 to 1971, following the resignation of Ayub Khan. He had one son, Ali Yahya and one daughter, Yasmeen Khan
[81] The Bofors scandal was a major corruption scandal in India in the 1980s; then the Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and several others were accused of receiving kickbacks from Bofors AB for winning a bid to supply India’s 155 mm field howitzer. The scale of the corruption was far worse than any that India had seen before, and directly led to the defeat of Gandhi’s ruling Indian National Congress party in the November 1989 general elections. It has been speculated that the scale of the scandal was to the tune of Rs. 400 million.[1] The case came to light during Vishwanath Pratap Singh’s tenure as defense minister, and was revealed through investigative journalism by Chitra Subramaniam and N. Ram of the newspapers the Indian Express and The Hindu
[82] Tehelka is an Indian weekly political magazine under the editorship of Tarun Tejpal known for its undercover exposé style of journalism. Its cover price is Rs 20 per issue. The publication began in 2000 as a news website, It transitioned through a printed newspaper format until it became a magazine in 2007. It first received local prominence in 2001 when it exposed match-fixing in Indian professional cricket. The same year, an investigation it carried out on defence procurement, called Operation Westend, received international attention, and led to the resignation of Indian Defence Minister.
[83] Sir Muhammad Iqbal (Urdu: محمد اقبال ) born (November 9, 1877 – April 21, 1938) was a Muslim poet and philosopher born in Sialkot, British India (now in Pakistan), whose poetry in Urdu and Persian is considered to be among the greatest of the modern era,[1] and whose vision of an independent state for the Muslims of British India was to inspire the creation of Pakistan. He is commonly referred to as Allama Iqbal ( علامہ
اقبال , Allama lit. Scholar).
[84] Muhammad Ali Jinnah (Urdu: محمد علی جناح Sindhi: محمد علي جناح Audio (help·info); December 25, 1876 – September 11, 1948) was a 20th century lawyer, politician, statesman and the founder of Pakistan. He is popularly and officially known in Pakistan as Quaid-e-Azam (Urdu: قائد اعظم — “Great
Leader”) and Baba-e-Qaum (بابائے قوم ) (“Father of the Nation”).Jinnah served as leader of the All-India Muslim League from 1913 until Pakistan’s independence on August 14, 1947, and as Pakistan’s first Governor-General from August 15, 1947 until his death on September 11, 1948. Jinnah rose to prominence in the Indian National Congress initially expounding ideas of Hindu-Muslim unity and helping shape the 1916 Lucknow Pact between the Muslim League and the Indian National Congress; he also became a key leader in the All India Home Rule League. He proposed a fourteen-point constitutional reform plan to safeguard the political rights of Muslims in a self-governing India. Jinnah later advocated the two-nation theory embracing the goal of creating a separate Muslim state as per the Lahore Resolution.[8] The League won most reserved Muslim seats in the elections of 1946. After the British and Congress backed out of the Cabinet Mission Plan Jinnah called for a Direct Action Day to achieve the formation of Pakistan. This direct action[9][10] by the Muslim League and its Volunteer Corps resulted in massive rioting in Calcutta[10][11] between Muslims and Hindus.[11][12] As the Indian National Congress and Muslim League failed to reach a power sharing formula for united India, it prompted both the parties and the British to agree to independence of Pakistan and India. As the first Governor-General of Pakistan, Jinnah led efforts to lay the foundations of the new state of Pakistan, frame national policies and rehabilitate millions of Muslim refugees who had migrated from India.Jinnah died aged 71 in September 1948, just over a year after Pakistan gained independence from the British Empire.
[85] Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (Urdu: ذوالفقار علی بھٹو , Sindhi: ذوالفقار علي ڀُٽو ), (January 5, 1928 – April 4, 1979) was a Pakistani politician who served as the President of Pakistan from 1971 to 1973 and as Prime Minister from 1973 to 1977. He was the founder of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), the largest and most influential political party in Pakistan. His daughter, Benazir Bhutto, also served twice as prime minister; she was assassinated on December 27, 2007.He was educated at the University of California, Berkeley in the United States and Oxford University in the United Kingdom. Bhutto was well known for being very clever and funny. He was executed in 1979 for ordering the murder of a political opponent. His execution was ordered by General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq. Bhutto’s supporters give him the honorific title Shaheed, the Urdu word for martyr. His name then becomes Shaheed-e-Azam Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (“The Great Martyr”) or sometimes Quaid-e-Awam (The Leader the Community).
[86] The Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Urdu: جميعت علمائے اسلام ) (Assembly of Islamic Clergy, or JUI) is a political party in Pakistan. It formed a combined government in national elections in 2002 and 2008. The party has split into two separate parties: one is led by Maulana Fazal-ur-Rehman and is known as “Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Fazlur Rehman)”, or “JUI-F”, while the other is led by Maulana Sami ul Haq and is known as “Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Sami ul Haq)” or “JUI-S”.
[87] The Jamaat-e-Islami [1] (Urdu: جماعتِ اسلامی , Jamaat-i-Islami, “Islamic Party” Jamaat, JI) is a Muslim political party in Pakistan. It was founded on 26 August 1941 in Lahore by Muslim theologian Maulana Sayyid Abul Ala Maududi[2] and is the oldest religious party in Pakistan.[2] Founded during British rule in India, the Jamaat moved its organisation after the partition of India to the newly-created Muslim state of Pakistan. The members who remained in India regrouped to form an independent organization called Jamaat-e-Islami Hind. The Jamaat opposed the independence of Bangladesh, but established itself there as an independent political party, the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh after 1975. The Jamaat maintains close ties with international Muslim groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood. Within Pakistan, the Jamaat lead the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal alliance of religious parties.[2]. This alliance was broke before February 2008 General Elections when Jamat-e-Islami boycott the elections while some parties of the alliance insisted to go in elections. A vanguard party, its members (or arkan) form an elite with “affiliates” (mutaffiq) and then “sympathisers” (hamdard) beneath them.[2]The Jamaat’s objectives are the “Iqamat-e-Deen” or “Nizam-e-Mustafa” – the establishment of a pure Islamic state, governed by Sharia law. The Jamaat opposes Westernization, ideologies such as capitalism, socialism and secularism, and practices such as bank interest and liberalist social mores.
[88] Kāfiristān or Kāfirstān (Persian: کافرستان ) was a historic name of Nurestan (Nuristan), a province in the Hindu Kush region of Afghanistan and Pakistan, prior to 1896. This historic region lies on, and mainly comprises, basins of the rivers Alingar, Pech (Kamah), Landai Sin, and Kunar, and the intervening mountain ranges. It is bounded by the main
range of the Pamirs on the north, the city of Chitral in Pakistan to the east, the Kunar Valley in the south, and the Alishang River in the west. Kafiristan takes its name from the inhabitants, the Kafirs, a fiercely independent people with distinctive culture, language and religion. They were called Kafir (“infidel”) because they were not Muslim. [89] Munir Commission 1953 – Who is a Muslim? Munir Commission Report into Anti-Ahmadiya Riots in PakistanJustice M. Munir commission investigated the large-scale riots against the Ahmadya sect in Pakistan in 1953. His report is an eye-opener. It shows that our ulema are not even able to agree on a definition of who a Muslim is. Justice Munir had called heads of all Islamic schools of thought and asked them the definition of a Muslim. No two ulema agreed. It also exposes the pusillaminity of our so-called scholars of Islam and their near-total disregard of the beauty and generosity of Islam. – Editor
In the beginning of March 1953, widespread disturbances broke out in the Punjab which in some places continued till the middle of April 1953. These took so alarming a turn and assumed such a menacing form that in several places the military had to be called in, and in Lahore Martial Law had to be proclaimed, which remained in force till the middle of May 1953. Before the declaration of Martial Law, the police had to resort to firing in several places and at least two persons were killed on the night of 4th March and ten on 5th March, Sixty-six persons more must have been injured in the firing because that number of wounded persons admitted to the Lahore hospitals had gunshot wounds. The number of casualties admitted by the military to have been caused in quelling the disturbances in Lahore was eleven killed and forty-nine wounded. In some other towns also there were a number of casualties caused by firing by the police or the military.
[90] The Al-Shams was a paramilitary wing of several Islamist parties in Bangladesh (then East Pakistan), that with the Pakistan Army and the Al-Badr, is held responsible for conducting a mass killing campaign against Bengali nationalists, civilians, religious and ethnic minorities in the Bangladesh Liberation War. The group was banned by the independent government of Bangladesh, but most of its members had fled the country during and after the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971, which led to Bangladesh’s independence.Very little is known about the structure and composition of the group. Newspaper coverage from that period indicate that it was an organ of the razakar para-military force. Jamaat-e-Islami was the largest islamic party in Pakistan at that time. It seems that other Islamic factions, including Nezam-e-Islami and Muslim League, established the Al-Shams (meaning “the Sun”), as a response to Jamaat-e-Islami’s strong influence on the military junta. Jamaat’s paramilitay, Al-Badr, was a close ally of the occupation army, and Al-Shams wanted to compete for that status.
[91] The Al-Badr was the paramilitary wing of the Jamaat-e-Islami in Bangladesh (then East Pakistan) that collaborated with the Pakistan Army against the Bengali nationalist movement in the Bangladesh Liberation War. The present chief of the Jamaat, Maulana Motiur Rahman Nizami headed the Al-Badr organisation as the all-Pakistan Commander in Chief during the war. The group was banned by the independent government of Bangladesh, but most of its members had fled the country during and after the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971.
[92] describes an organism that reproduces by dividing into two equal parts, each of which grows into a complete organism
[93] Ummah (Arabic: أمة ) is an Arabic word meaning “community” or “nation”. It is commonly used to mean either the collective nation of states, or (in the context of pan-Arabism) the whole Arab world. In the context of Islam, the word ummah is used to mean the diaspora or Commonwealth of the Believers (ummat al-mu’minin), and thus the whole Muslim world.
[94] Hizb ut-Tahrir Afghanistan An influential international
Islamist movement is the ‘party’ Hizb ut-Tahrir, founded in 1953 by an Islamic Qadi (judge) Taqiuddin al-Nabhani. HT is unique from most other Islamist movements in that the party focuses not on local issues or on providing social services, but on unifying the Muslim world under its vision of a new Islamic caliphate spanning from North Africa and the Middle East to much of central and South Asia. To this end it has drawn up and published a constitution for its proposed caliphate state. The constitution’s 187 articles specify specific policies such as sharia law, a “unitary ruling system” headed by a caliph elected by Muslims, an economy based on the gold standard, public ownership of utilities, public transport, and energy resources, and Arabic as the “sole language of the State.”[156] In its focus on the Caliphate, HT takes a different view of Muslim history than some other Islamists such as Muhammad Qutb. HT sees Islam’s pivotal turning point as occurring not with the death of Ali, or one of the other four rightly guided Caliphs in the 7th century, but with the 1918 or 1922 abolition of the Ottoman Caliphate. This is believed to have ended the true Islamic system, something for which it blames “the disbelieving (Kafir) colonial powers” working through Turkish modernist Mustafa Kamal.[157]HT does not engage in armed jihad or vote-getting, but works to take power through “ideological struggle” to change Muslim public opinion, and in particular through elites who will “facilitate” a “change of the government,” i.e. launch a bloodless coup. It allegedly attempted and failed such coups in 1968 and 1969 in Jordan, and in 1974 in Egypt, and is now banned in both countries.[158]The party is sometimes described as “Leninist” and “rigidly controlled by its central leadership,”[159] with its estimated one million members required to spend “at least two years studying party literature under the guidance of mentors (Murshid)” before taking “the party oath.”[159] HT is particularly active in the ex-soviet republics of Central Asia and in Europe.In the UK its rallies have drawn thousands of Muslims,[160] and the party is said to have outpaced the Muslim Brotherhood in both membership and radicalism
[95] A fatwā (Arabic: فتوى ; plural fatāwā Arabic: فتاوى ) in the Islamic faith is a religious opinion concerning Islamic law issued by an Islamic scholar. In Sunni Islam any fatwā is non-binding, whereas in Shia Islam it could be considered by an individual as binding, depending on his or her relation to the scholar. The person who issues a fatwā is called, in that respect, a Mufti, i.e. an issuer of fatwā, from the verb أَفْتَى ‘aftā = “he gave a formal legal opinion on”. This is not necessarily a formal position since most Muslims argue that anyone trained in Islamic law may give an opinion (fatwā) on its teachings. If a fatwā does not break new ground, then it is simply called a ruling.[1]An analogy might be made to the issue of legal opinions from courts in common-law systems. Fatwās generally contain the details of the scholar’s reasoning, typically in response to a particular case, and are considered binding precedent by those Muslims who have bound themselves to that scholar, including future Muftis; mere rulings can be compared to memorandum opinions. The primary difference between common-law opinions and fatwās, however, is that fatwās are not universally binding; as the Sharia is not universally consistent and Islam is very non-hierarchical in structure, fatwās do not carry the sort of weight that secular common-law opinions do.
[96] Syed Abul A’ala Maududi[1] (Urdu: سيد ابو الاعلىٰ مودودی – alternative spellings of last name Maudoodi and Modudi) (September 25, 1903 – September 22, 1979), also known as Molana (Maulana) or Shaikh Syed Abul A’ala Mawdudi, was a Sunni Pakistani journalist, theologian, Muslim revivalist leader and political philosopher, and a major 20th
century Islamist thinker.[2] He was also a prominent political figure
in Pakistan and was the first recipient of King Faisal International Award for
his services to Islam in 1979. He was also the founder of Jamaat-e-Islami, the
Islamic revivalist party.
[97] A Deobandi (Urdu: ديو بندی ) is a follower of the Deoband Islamic movement. The movement began
at Darul Uloom Deoband (a madrasah) in Deoband, India, where its foundation was laid on 30 May
1866.[1] Its six notable founders were Muhammad Qasim Nanotvi, Muhammad Yaqub Nanautawi, Shah
Rafi al-Din, Sayyid Muhammad Abid, Zulfiqar Ali, Fadhl al-Rahman ‘Usmani and Rashid Ahmad
Gangohi.[2] The Deobandi movement gained significant traction in the early 1900s, mainly due to the
activities of its graduates. They, in many instances, played a key role in establishing similar institutions in
other parts of the Indian subcontinent.[citation needed] Deobandis are considered to be within the confines
of Sunni Islam (Ahl as-Sunnah wa’l-Jamā’ah).[3] They follow the Ash’ari and Maturidi schools
of aqidah (creed). In fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) they primarily follow the Hanafi school of law while they
accept the validity of the remaining three schools of Sunni Islam, namely the Shafi`i, Maliki and
the Hanbali schools. In the spiritual science of Tasawwuf (Sufism) they follow
the Chishti, Naqshbandi, Qadiri and Suhrawardi orders.[4][5]Since the 1920s the Deobandi apolitical stance
has taken shape in the transnational movement Tablighi Jamaat, but Islamist trends such as those of
Pakistan’s Jamiatul Ulama-i Islam have also emerged from the ranks of the Deobandis.[6]
Deobandi thought, which originated in a north Indian town, has thus reached many countries, such
as Pakistan,[7] South Africa and the United Kingdom.
[98] Major General Muhammed Iftikhar Khan was an officer inherited by the Pakistan
Army from British India. He had been nominated to become the first local Commander in Chief (C-in-C)
of the Pakistan Army after General Douglas David Gracey’s retirement. However, his death in a tragic
plane crash in 1949 was a disaster for the newly formed country.Hassan Abbas, in his book, “Pakistan’s
Drift into Extremism”,[1] in Chapter 2, page 26, describes a watershed incident that occurred in 1949 that
had “a huge impact on the military and political history of Pakistan, but is often ignored by historians”. The
incident reported was the plane crash at Jungshahi which had on board the designated next Commander-in-
Chief of Pakistan, Major General Iftikhar Khan. According to Major General Sher Ali, the history
of Pakistan would have been different if Major General Iftikhar Khan had become C-in-C of the Pakistan
Army, because he would never have allowed the army to be used for political purposes and would never
have used his position as a doorway to political power.
[100] The Punjab Boundary Force was an ad hoc military force to restore law
and order during the communal carnages of the partition of India in the Punjab.
The force was based on the 4th Indian Division and commanded by Maj Gen
T.W. Rees. The force was unable to execute its task successfully and it was
disbanded so that the newly formed dominion armies
of India and Pakistan could take charge of the situation. The Force had
approximately 15 Indian and 10 Pakistani battalions, and comprised 5th Indian
Infantry Brigade, 11th Indian Infantry Brigade of the division and three
additional brigades, namely the 14 Parachute Brigade (which became part of
the Pakistan Army), 43rd Indian Infantry Brigade (Lorried) (ex 1 Armoured
Division), and 114th Indian Infantry Brigade.[2] The 50th Parachute
Brigade and 77th Parachute Brigade (both formerly with 2nd Airborne
Division), as well as the 123rd Indian Infantry Brigade, were attached to the
[101] A constituent assembly (sometimes also known as a constitutional
convention or constitutional assembly) is a body composed for the purpose of
drafting or adopting a constitution. As the fundamental document constituting a state, a constitution cannot normally be modified or amended by the state’s normal legislative procedures; instead a constituent assembly, the rules for which are normally laid down in the constitution, must be set up. A constituent assembly is usually set up for its specific purpose, which it carries out in a relatively short time, after which the assembly is

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Omar Ali

I am a physician interested in obesity and insulin resistance, and in particular in the genetics and epigenetics of obesity As a blogger, I am more interested in history, Islam, India, the ideology of Pakistan, and whatever catches my fancy. My opinions can change.

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3 years ago

All this ensured that the feudal elements jumped on the Muslim League band wagon not out of genuine motivation but because of economic compulsion!

Indeed, Pakistan could be read as the largest haircut in the history of Indian money markets.

Pakistan has found new international creditors since, which I think it cannot default on as easily.

3 years ago

“the feudal elements jumped on the Muslim League bandwagon not out of genuine motivation but because of economic compulsion”

Aakar Patel mentioned in an article many years ago about Pakistan not having enough business castes because they left post ’47:

3 years ago

Poor research. British toke care of money lenders in 1905, long before 1947. Not that it mattered. Unionists jumped gun because of public pressure who was increasingly hostile to the idea of living under hindu rule.

3 years ago
Reply to  Raz

Your 1905 date is totally wrong -alienation of land act against money lenders was passed in 1900 or 1901 –

3 years ago

I am always intrigued by PPP leaning ex army men. There seems to be not many out there anymore. Anyways always good to have a different viewpoint

3 years ago

Bhutto started nuclear program and insurgency in Afghanistan in response to Kabul supporting terrorists in Pakistan. Today PPP is very different.

3 years ago

Bhutto’s PPP career was so short, that it would be not be accurate to call his PPP either pro or anti army. Especially when he was himself thrown out by the army, that negates all his pro militaristic moves like the nuclear program, Kabul insurgency. Both the success of nuclear program and Afghan Jihad have now different title holders, notwithstanding who started it. Army and Nawaz can take credit for the former, while Zia took sole credit for the latter. Even during Benzair’s time,PPP hardly tried 2 to own up to either if these achievements enthusiastically.

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